Monday, 30 September 2013

Nasi lemak

Nasi lemak

Nasi lemak
Nasi lemak
Nasi lemak is a fragrant rice dish cooked in coconut milk and "pandan" leaf commonly found in Malaysia, where it is considered the national dish; Brunei; Singapore; Riau Islands; and Southern Thailand. It isn't to be confused with nasi dagang sold on the east coast of Malaysia or Terengganu and Kelantan although both dishes can usually be found sold side by side for breakfast. However, because of the nasi lemak's versatility in being able to be served in a variety of manners, it is now served and eaten any time of the day.
Traditionally, nasi lemak is served with a platter of side dishes wrapped in banana leaves, including cucumber slices, small fried anchovies, roasted peanuts, hard boiled egg, and hot spicy sauce (sambal). As a more substantial meal, nasi lemak can also come with a variety of other accompaniments such as ayam goreng (fried chicken), sambal sotong (cuttlefish in chilli), cockles, stir fried water convolvulus (kangkong), pickled vegetables (acar), beef rendang (beef stewed in coconut milk and spices) or paru (beef lungs). Traditionally most of these accompaniments are spicy in nature.
Nasi lemak is widely eaten in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, even as a dish served in Indonesian and Malaysian schools. Commonly a breakfast dish in both countries, it is normally sold at hawker food centres in Singapore and roadside stalls in Indonesia and Malaysia. It often comes wrapped in banana leaves, newspaper or brown paper, or it could be served on a plate. However, there are restaurants which serve it as a noon or evening meals, making it possible for the dish to be eaten all day. Nasi lemak kukus which means "steamed nasi lemak" is another name given to nasi lemak served with steamed rice.
In Malaysia and Singapore, nasi lemak comes in many varieties as they are prepared by different chefs in different cultures. The original nasi lemak in Malaysia is arguably a typical Southern and Central Peninsular Malaysia breakfast among Malays. Malaysian Chinese and Indians also partake this dish in their breakfast but not as frequently as Malays. The sambal tends to range from fiery hot to mildly hot with a sweet undertaste. Nasi lemak in the Northern West Peninsular tends to include curry. Nasi lemak isn't as popular as the indigenous nasi berlauk, nasi dagang, and nasi kerabu in North East Peninsular Malaysia. Nasi lemak isn't a familiar breakfast in Sabah and Sarawak. Hotels usually have nasi lemak on their menu with elaborate dishes, such as beef rendang and the addition of other seafood. Hawker centres in Singapore and Malaysia usually wrap them in banana leaves to enhance the flavour. Roadside stalls sell them ready packed, known as "nasi lemak bungkus", with minimal additions that cost between RM 1â€"7 per pack. Seafood outlets often serve the basic nasi lemak to accompany barbecued seafood. There are Malaysian Chinese and Malaysian Indian versions, and Singaporean Malay and Singaporean Chinese versions. Some people suggest that sambal is the most important part of a nasi lemak meal. If not prepared properly, it could ruin the whole meal, since Malaysians like their food served hot and spicy.
This traditional favourite offers sambal,ikan bilis, peanuts and boiled egg. This is the most traditional version. You can find Nasi Lemak stalls serving them with fried egg, sambal kerang (cockles) - local favourite, sambal squids, sambal fish, chicken or chicken/beef rendang, squid fritters or even fried chicken or fish. An absolute all rounder, you can have it for breakfast, brunch, lunch, tea, dinner and even supper (in Malaysia this is a meal that takes place after diner, from around 10 pm to 4am ). It is also considered a favourite hang over food.
The Malaysian Indian variation is similar to the original version. However, many Malaysian Indians are Hindus, and don't eat beef. Therefore, beef isn't included while preparing the Malaysian Indian version of nasi lemak. Nasi lemak in the Malaysian Indian version is served with curry, such as chicken curry, fish curry or lamb curry.
Although it isn't common to see Malaysian Chinese stalls and restaurants selling nasi lemak, there is a non-halal version that contains pork sold in towns and cities such as Malacca and certain parts of Kuala Lumpur. Some Malaysian Chinese hawkers are known to make minced pork sambal.
Similar to Malaysian variation with a kind of small fish called ikan tamban, usually fried with sambal and very crispy, whole fish is edible.
Retaining the familiar aroma of pandan leaves, the Chinese variation comes with a variety of sides that includes deep fried drumstick, chicken franks, fish cake, curried vegetables and luncheon meat.
In certain parts of Kuala Lumpur, some Malaysian Chinese and Malay hawkers also offer vegetarian nasi lemak in which the dried anchovies is substituted with vegetarian mock anchovies.

Related Sites for Nasi lemak

Karo people

Karo people

Karo people
The Karo, or Karonese, are a Batak people of the 'tanah Karo' of North Sumatra and a small part of neighbouring Aceh. The Karo lands consist of Karo Regency, plus neighbouring areas in East Aceh Regency, Langkat Regency, Dairi Regency, Simalungun Regency and Deli Serdang Regency. In addition, the cities of Binjai and Medan, both bordered by Deli Serdang Regency, contain significant Karo populations, particularly in the Padang Bulan area of Medan. The town of Sibolangit, Deli Serdang Regency in the foothills on the road from Medan to Berastagi is also a significant Karo town.
Karoland contains two major volcanoes, Mount Sinabung, which erupted after 400 years of dormancy in 2010, and Mount Sibayak. Karoland consists of the cooler high lands, and the upper and lower lowlands.
The Karolands were conquered by the Dutch in 1906, and in 1909 roads to the highlands were constructed, ending the isolation of the highland Karo people. The road linked Medan and the lowlands to Kabanjahe and from there to both Kutacane in Aceh and Pematangsiantar in Simalungun.
In 1911, an agricultural project began at Berastagi, now the major town in Karoland, to grow European vegetables in the cooler temperatures. Berastagi is today the most prosperous part of Karoland, just one hour from Medan, while towns further in the interior suffer from lower incomes and limited access to healthcare.
The administrative
Kabanjahe.
centre of Karo Regency is
-
The Karo people speak the Karo language, a language related to, but not mutually intelligible with, other Batak languages, in addition to Indonesian. These Karo people are divided up into clans or Merga. The Karo Merga are Ginting, Karo-Karo, Perangin-Angin, Sembiring and Tarigan, these Merga are then divided up into families.
Karo people religion are mostly Christian, a religion brought to Sumatra in the 19th Century by missionaries, but an increasing number living away from the Karo Highlands have converted to Islam, with the influence of Muslim Javanese and Malay peoples making the traditional habits of pig farming and cooking less common. Some Muslims and Christians however still retain their traditional animist beliefs in ghosts, spirits, and traditional jungle medicine, despite that fact it contradicts their other beliefs.
Karo people traditionally lived in shared longhouses, but very few now remain, and new construction is exclusively of modern designs.
It is believed that Karo people may have migrated from the other lands in order to take part in trade with the visiting Tamils. This intercourse had an influence on their religious beliefs, as well as ethnic makeup, the marga 'Sembiring', meaning 'black one', and many Sembiring sub-marga are clearly of South-Indian origin, suggesting that inter-marriage between Karo and Indian people took place.
The Karo were harassing Dutch interests in east Sumatra, and Jacob Theodoor Cremer, a Dutch administrator, regarded evangelism as a means to suppress this activity. The Netherlands Missionary Society answered the call, commencing activities in the Karolands in 1890, where they engaged not only in evangelism, but also in ethnology and documenting the Karo culture. The missionaries attempted to construct a base in Kabanjahe in the Karo highlands, but were repelled by the suspicious locals.
In retaliation the Dutch administration waged a war to conquer the Karolands, as part of their final consolidation of power in the Indies. The Karo perceived Christianity as the 'Dutch religion', and its followers as 'dark-skinned Dutch'. In this context, the Karo church was initially unsuccessful, and by 1950 the church had only 5,000 members. In the years following Indonesian independence the perception of Christianity among the Karo as an emblem of colonialism faded, with the church itself acquiring independence, and adopting more elements of traditional Karo culture such as music. By 1965, the Karo church had grown to 35,000 members.
Unlike the Toba Batak, who embraced Christianity fairly readily, the Karo continued to follow their traditional religion for several decades after the arrival of the 1st Christian missionaries in the Karolands.
Following the Indonesian Genocide in 1965-1966, at which time over 70% of the Karo still followed traditional religions, there was a push for Indonesians to identify with an established religion. Many Karo joined the GBKP (60,000 were baptised in 1966-1970.), and from 5,000 Muslims (mostly non-Karo) in Karoland in 1950, there were 30,000 in 1970.
At this time, the Balai Pustaka Adat Merga Si Lima was established in Berastagi. BPAMSL, proclaimed the 'agama Pemena', or the religion (agama) of the founders (Pemena).
The concept of 'religion' was relatively new in the Karoland; historically the neighbouring Muslim people, were known as 'kalak Jawi' or the people of the Jawi lands, and the concept of 'kalak Kristen', or Christian people, was the 1st time that people were identified by their religion rather than their land. The 'agama Pemena' of BPAMSL was a defence against accusations of atheism, Communism or animism.
BPAMSL conducted a ceremony in the Lau Debukâ€"Debuk hot spring akin to the one to invest a new Karo village. This ceremony essentially validated the Dutch-established Berastagi as a 'true' Karo village, and was attended by the regent of Karo regency and other political figures.
At that time, BPAMSL became the largest religious organisation in the Karolands, surpassing the GBKP, and absorbing many who had joined it following the anti-Communist purge.
As a response to the Pemena movement, the GBKP after 1969 determined that members could participate in village rituals as a matter of adat, whereas previously they had been rejected by GBKP as of a religious (unchristian) nature.
After Golkar won the elections in 1972, Djamin Ginting, a leading BPAMSL figure proclaimed BPAMSL as a movement within Golkar, adopting Islam as his religion, while Indonesian National Party supporters rejected this. With BPAMSL no longer a united force for the practice of Pemena, and Pemena itself no longer a uniting force in the Karoland, and with all Indonesians required to follow one of the religions of Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism and Buddhism, or risk writing 'without belief' on their identity card, the board members of BPAMSL met with a wealthy Indian man from Medan and determined that the traditional religion was in fact an expression of Indian Hinduism, and that it had been founded by a 'Bagavan Bá¹›gu', from which had been derived the alternate name for the Karo beliefs 'Perbegu' ), the existence of Indian-originating Karo marga names and similarities between Karo ritual and Indian Hindu ones all proving this. Thus the Association of Karo Hinduism (PAHK) was proclaimed.
The PAHK declared 'Pemena is the same as Hinduism' and received funding from Medan Indians for their cause. PAHK became a movement within Parisada Hindu Dharma Indonesia, and as a culmination of this, in 1985 PAHK became a branch of the PHDI, PHDK. When Parisada Hindu Dharma Karo was established, it claimed 50,000 members, and 50,000 more sympathisers. The PHD built a Balinese-style temple in Tanjung, a Karo village to inaugurate the PHDK. In doing so it was stated that PHDI (i.e. Balinese) Hinduism was the only valid form, and in fact the Karo 'Hindu' ritual were invalid, the name change from 'Hindu Karo' to 'Hindu Dharma Karo' and the replacement of Tamil Indians on the PAHK board with Balinese on the PHDK symbolising the assertion of 'Hindu Dharma' as the 'valid' Hindu religion, with little regard paid to re-imagining Karo rituals within an Agama Hindu context.
There was an immediate decline in PAHK/PHDK support, with a small number of people still following the PHDK practices, but others following traditional Karo rituals outside of the formal context of PHDK. This left the Christian GBKP, by then for many years an indigenous Karo-run adat-respecting church a rather more comfortable option for most Karo than the Balinese Hinduism asserted by PHDK. There are today four Balinese-style PHDK temples in the Karoland, but the concept of Karo traditional beliefs as a manifestation of Hinduism is otherwise largely extinct.
Although the Gereja Batak Karo Protestan is the largest Karo church, with has 276,000 members (as of 2006) in 398 congregations with 196 pastors, there are also Catholic (33,000 members as of 1986) and several Pentecostalist denominations.
Karo people belong to one of five marga or clans, which are Ginting, Karo-Karo, Perangin-Angin, Sembiring and Tarigan. Each marga is further divided into sub-marga. With the exception of marga Karo-Karo, most Karo identify themselves by their principal rather than sub-marga.
Karo and Batak adat prohibits marriage within a marga. Upon marriage, the bride becomes a part of the groom's family, with the kalimbubu (bride's family) joining with anakberu (groom's family).

Related Sites for Karo people

Nasi dagang

Nasi dagang

Nasi dagang
Nasi dagang
Nasi dagang is a Malaysian and Southern Thai dish consisting of rice steamed in coconut milk, fish curry and extra ingredients such as fried shaved coconut, hard-boiled eggs and vegetable pickles. Nasi Dagang literally means "Trading Rice". It is a well-known breakfast food in the states on the East Coast of Peninsular Malaysia, such as Terengganu and Kelantan and Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat in Southern Thailand. The most famous Nasi dagang of Terengganu comes from Kampung Ladang, an area within the Kuala Terengganu district. Nasi Dagang can also be considered as a festive dish in Kelantan and Terengganu because it is prepared at home for the morning of Eid ul-Fitr, a Muslim holiday that marks the end of Ramadan, to be eaten as a breakfast before or after the Eid prayers in the mosque.
Apart from the basic combination of rice and curry, Nasi Dagang usually comes with its different components which can be combined to suit the diner's taste. From a simple serving of the steamed rice and tuna curry usually found at roadside stalls, the complete home-made version may include a sliced hard-boiled egg, fried coconut, vegetable pickle and sambal.
The combination of fenugreek seeds and coconut milk gives Nasi Dagang its unique flavour and fragrance. The rice may 1st be soaked in water for several hours to soften it. It is then mixed with thick coconut milk, sliced shallots, lemon grass and fenugreek seeds. The rice is steamed until cooked. It may also be steamed twice, where more coconut milk is added when it is half-cooked. Then the rice is steamed again until cooked. This method ensures a more creamy finish to the rice.
This accompanying dish is only specially prepared for nasi dagang and is sometimes locally called gulai darat. This curry the fish is cooked in isn't an Indian-style curry powder but a Malay-style curry, i.e., coconut milk mixed with traditional Malay spices such as lemon grass, galangal, chilli paste, and turmeric.
Tuna is the standard choice of fish but other fish can be used as well, such as tenggiri and salmon. Prawns are also used sometimes; however, the gulai is prepared slightly differently.
Coconut is freshly
shallots and fried until golden
shaved, mixed with sliced
brown.
Hard boiled eggs are cutinto four or eight slices.
The vegetable is pickled in rice vinegar and sugar. The vegetables commonly used are cucumber, chilli and carrots.
The Terengganu version uses the normal white rice, while the Kelantan variety uses a type of rice locally called 'beras nasi dagang', which is a type of wild rice that has a light purple colour and a little glutinous. The Terengganu version is also much simpler, eaten only with the fish curry and pickles.
Some people from the West Coast of Peninsular Malaysia claim that Nasi Dagang is the 'Nasi Lemak' of the East Coast of Peninsular Malaysia, in the states of Terengganu and Kelantan. This claim is actually unheard of in either place as both dishes can commonly be found sold side by side for breakfast.

Related Sites for Nasi dagang

  • http://allrecipes.asia - Nasi Dagang recipe â€" All recipes Asia read Nasi dagang
  • Nasi Dagang | seleraku | APPETITO | Asian And Western Recipes read Nasi dagang

Kopi Luwak

Kopi Luwak

Kopi Luwak
Kopi Luwak
Producers of the coffee beans argue that the process may improve coffee through two mechanisms, selection and digestion. Selection occurs if the civets choose to eat coffee berries containing better beans. Digestive mechanisms may improve the flavor profile of the coffee beans that have been eaten. The civet eats the berries for the beans' fleshy pulp, then in the digestive tract, fermentation occurs. The civet's proteolytic enzymes seep into the beans, making shorter peptides and more free amino acids. Passing through a civet's intestines the beans are then defecated with other fecal matter and collected.
The traditional method of collecting feces from wild civets has given way to intensive farming methods in which civets in battery cage systems are force fed the coffee beans. This method of production has raised ethical concerns about the treatment of civets due to "horrific conditions" including isolation, poor diet, small cages and a high mortality rate. A 2013 BBC investigation of intensive civet farming in Sumatra found conditions of animal cruelty. Intensive farming is also criticised by traditional farmers because the civets don't select what they eat, so the beans are of poor quality compared to beans collected from the wild. According to an officer from the TRAFFIC conservation programme, the trade in civets to make kopi luwak may constitute a significant threat to wild civet populations.
Some in the coffee industry regard kopi luwak as a gimmick or novelty item. The Specialty Coffee Association of America states that there is a "general consensus within the industry... it just tastes bad". SCAA claims that almost all kopi luwak available for sale is counterfeit, as 50 times more kopi luwak is sold than produced.
Although kopi luwak is a form of processing rather than a variety of coffee, it has been called the most expensive coffee in the world with retail prices reaching €550 / US$700 per kilogram. The price paid to collectors in the Philippines is closer to US$20 per kilogram. The price of farmed kopi luwak in large Indonesian supermarkets is from US$100 per kilogram (five times the price of a high quality local arabica coffee). Genuine kopi luwak from wild civets is difficult to purchase in Indonesia and proving it isn't fake is very difficult - there is little enforcement regarding use of the name "kopi luwak", and there's even a local cheap coffee brand named "Luwak", which costs under $3 per kilogram but is occasionally sold online under the guise of real kopi luwak.
Kopi luwak is produced mainly on the islands of Sumatra, Java, Bali, and Sulawesi in the Indonesian Archipelago. It is also widely gathered in the forest or produced in the farms in the islands of the Philippines, and in East Timor (where it is called kafx-laku). Weasel coffee is a loose English translation of its Vietnamese name cx phx Chá»"n, where popular, chemically simulated versions are also produced.
The origin of kopi luwak is closely connected with the history of coffee production in Indonesia. In the early 18th century the Dutch established the cash-crop coffee plantations in their colony in the Dutch East Indies islands of Java and Sumatra, including Arabica coffee introduced from Yemen. During the era of Cultuurstelsel, the Dutch prohibited the native farmers and plantation workers from picking coffee fruits for their own use. Still, the native farmers wanted to have a taste of the famed coffee beverage. Soon, the natives learned that certain species of musang or luwak (Asian Palm Civet) consumed the coffee fruits, yet they left the coffee seeds undigested in their droppings. The natives collected these luwaks' coffee seed droppings, then cleaned, roasted and ground them to make their own coffee beverage. The fame of aromatic civet coffee spread from locals to Dutch plantation owners and soon became their favorite, yet because of its rarity and unusual process, the civet coffee was expensive even in colonial times.
Few objective assessments of taste are available. Kopi luwak is a name for any beans collected from the excrement of civets, hence the taste may vary with the type and origin of beans ingested, processing subsequent to collection, roasting, ageing and brewing. The ability of the civet to select its berries, and other aspects of the civet's diet and health may also influence the processing and hence taste.
Tim Carman, food writer for the Washington Post reviewed kopi luwak available in the US and concluded "It tasted just like...Folgers. Stale. Lifeless. Petrified dinosaur droppings steeped in bathtub water. I couldn't finish it".
Some critics claim more generally that kopi luwak is simply bad coffee, purchased for novelty rather than taste. Massimo Marcone, who performed extensive chemical tests on the beans, was unable to conclude if anything about their properties made them superior for purposes of making coffee. He employed several professional coffee tasters in a blind taste test. While the cuppers were able to distinguish the kopi luwak as distinct from the other samples, they had nothing remarkable to appraise about it other than it was less acidic and had less body, tasting "thin". Marcone remarked "It's not that people are after that distinct flavor. They are after the rarity of the coffee".
Kopi is the Indonesian word for coffee. Luwak is a local name of the Asian Palm Civet in Sumatra. Palm civets are primarily frugivorous, feeding on berries and pulpy fruits such as figs and palms. Civets also eat small vertebrates, insects, ripe fruits and seeds.
Early production began when beans were gathered in the wild from where a civet would defecate as a means to mark its territory. On farms, civets are either caged or allowed to roam within defined boundaries.
Coffee berries are eaten by a civet for their fruit pulp. After spending about a day and a half in the civet's digestive tract the beans are then defecated in clumps, having kept their shape and still covered with some of the fleshy berry's inner layers.
Despite being in contact with faeces and pathogenic organisms, the beans contain negligible amounts of the enteric organisms associated with feces. Moreover, the "cherry" or endocarp surrounding the bean isn't completely digested by the luwak, and after being collected, the farmer performs thorough washing and removes the endocarp.
Vietnam has two farms with 300 wild civets in Dak Lak, while in Mindanao island of the Philippines, has two farms with 200 and 100 (in Cagayan de Oro City) wild civets. But the archipelago of Indonesia where the famous kopi luwak was 1st discovered and produced is leading in supplying the world market for almost three centuries, where many small-scale civet farms are proliferating in the countryside.
According to Dr. Davila Cortes, the altered protein structure degrades the effectivenes of the coffee as a diuretic..
Several commercial processes attempt to replicate the digestive process of the civets without animal involvement.
Researchers with the University of Florida have been issued with a patent for one such process. According to the patent application, sensory tests were conducted and verified a significant reduction in bitterness. This technology was licensed to Coffee Primero.
Vietnamese companies
replicated the digestive process
also claim to have
with an enzyme soak.
Imitation has several motivations. The high price of kopi luwak drives the search for a way to produce kopi luwak in large quantities. Kopi luwak production involves a great deal of labor, whether farmed or wild-gathered. The small production quantity and the labor involved in production contribute to the coffee's high cost. Imitation may be a response to the decrease in the civet population.
Initially, civet coffee beans were picked from wild civet excrement found around coffee plantations. This unusual process contributed to its rarity and subsequently, its high price. More recently, growing numbers of intensive civet "farms" have been established and operated across Southeast Asia, confining tens of thousands of animals to live in battery cages and be force-fed.
The conditions are awful, much like battery chickens", said Chris Shepherd, deputy regional director of the conservation NGO, TRAFFIC south-east Asia. "The civets are taken from the wild and have to endure horrific conditions. They fight to stay together but they are separated and have to bear a very poor diet in very small cages. There is a high mortality rate and for some species of civet, there's a real conservation risk. It's spiralling out of control. But there's not much public awareness of how it's actually made. People need to be aware that tens of thousands of civets are being kept in these conditions. It would put people off their coffee if they knew"'.
Farmers using caged civets in Takengon, north Sumatra, confirmed to the BBC that they supplied kopi luwak beans to exporters whose produce ends up in Europe and Asia.
Kopi luwak is the most expensive coffee in the world, selling for between US$100 and $600 per pound in 2010. The specialty Vietnamese weasel coffee, which is made by collecting coffee beans eaten by wild civets, is sold at $3,000 per kilogram. Most customers are Asian, especially those originating from Japan, Taiwan and South Korea. Sources vary widely as to annual worldwide production.
The price paid to
closer to US$20 per kilogram.
collectors in the Philippines is
-

Related Sites for Kopi Luwak

  • Cluwak - Kopi Luwak Coffee | Best Tasting Coffee Brand | Shop Kopi ... read Kopi Luwak
  • Animalcoffee - authentic wild collected kopi luwak from Indonesia read Kopi Luwak
  • Real Kopi Luwak - Complete info about this rare gourmet coffee ... read Kopi Luwak
  • Kopi Luwak - The Bean Providore read Kopi Luwak

Wingko

Wingko

Wingko
Wingko
Wingko, which is sometimes called Wingko Babat, is a traditional Javanese pancake-like snack made from coconut.
It is a kind of cake made mainly of coconut and other ingredients. Wingko is popular especially along the north coast of Java island. It is sold mostly by peddlers on trains, at bus or train stations, or in the producer’s own shop. This might explain why it's very popular in Java to use wingko as a gift to families upon returning from traveling.
Wingko is typically a round, almost hard coconut cake that is typically served in warm, small pieces. Wingko is sold either in the form of a large, plate-sized cake or small, paper wrapped cakes. It's delicious due to the combined sweetness of sugar and the unique, fresh taste of crispy coconut. The price varies, depending on where it's sold. The more famous the brand of cake, the more expensive the cake. Your bargaining skills might lower the price a little.
The most famous wingko is made in Babat. As its full name, wingko babat, suggests, wingko actually originated in Babat, a small regency in Lamongan, a municipality in East Java. Babat is near the border with Bojonegoro, another municipality in East Java which is now famous for its teak wood and recently discovered oil field.
In Babat, which is only a small town, wingko plays a big role in its economy. There are many wingko factories in that city which employ a large number of workers. The factories take in a large number of coconut fruit from the neighbouring municipalities.
Today wingko is a famous food in both Babat with various brands and sizes of wingko for sale. Most wingko factories are still owned by Indonesian Chinese and some still use Chinese language names for their brands.

Related Sites for Wingko

  • Resep Cara Membuat Wingko Babat (Semarang) - Resep Masakan Tradisional read Wingko
  • Resep Membuat Wingko Babat Semarang Asli Enak read Wingko

Hamzah Haz

Hamzah Haz

Hamzah Haz
Hamzah was a newspaper journalist in his home town of Pontianak, on the island of Borneo, and later taught economics at Tanjungpura University.
His political career began in 1968 as a member of the in West Kalimantan provincial parliament. He later moved to Jakarta, became a member of parliament in 1971, 1st as a member of the Muslim Nahdlatul Ulama group. In 1973 he became a member of the PPP.
Hamzah HazHamzah served as minister for investment under President B. J. Habibie, who replaced Suharto, then resigned that post to lead the PPP in the 1999 elections. Hamzah joined the cabinet of President Abdurrahman Wahid, then became the 1st minister to quit Wahid's 1st cabinet, resigning as minister for people's welfare after just two months.
He became a vocal critic of Wahid, but he is also known for his ability to compromise. By the time of Wahid's impeachment in the summer of 2001, Hamzah was leader of the PPP, then the third-largest party in the Indonesian Parliament.
In the 2004 presidential election, Hamzah Haz was one of the presidential candidates, running with team-mate Agum Gumelar. The pair finished last among the five candidates, garnering only 3 percent of the total vote.
A number of journalists and commentators have written that Haz is seen by many as willing to offer support for militant Muslim groups as a way of gaining political support from them. In 2002, Bill Guerin, in an opinion piece in the Asian Times wrote, "Haz, [...] is widely seen as blatantly vying for support from among Indonesian Muslims, including the militant groups, to strengthen his run for the presidency in the country's next general elections in 2004."
Hamzah is also known as an apologist for and friend of Abu Bakar Bashir, who is the spiritual leader for the terrorist organization Jemaah Islamiyah. Hamzah made a public show of inviting Ba'asyir to dinner while Hamzah was Vice President, and visited Ba'asyir's jihadist pesantren in Pondok Ngruki. Haz denied that Ba'asyir was connected to terrorism up until Ba'asyir's arrest in October 2002. "If you want to arrest Abu Bakar Bashir," he was quoted as saying before Ba'asyir's arrest, "you will have to deal with me first."
According to an October 2002 article in TIME magazine, "That clerics like Abubakar have powerful military and political allies is no secret: the nation's Vice-President Hamzah Haz is one of them." TIME reported that Hamzah described his relationship with Bashir and Laskar Jihad leader Jafar Umar Thalib as "very close", but TIME added, "many see this relationship as a purely political ploy to woo Muslim voters ahead of the 2004 election." Hamzah, although he "has a reputation as a wily politician" nevertheless "will be remembered for a particularly ill-judged speech before Muslim clerics at Abubakar's Solo boarding school in May [2002]", the newsmagazine reported. During that visit Hamzah was also reported to have said, "If they can prove there are terrorists here I'll be the 1st to order an arrest," and then stepped down from the podium and kissed Abubakar on both cheeks.
In 2002, an Australian academic cited Hamzah as the "best example" of Islamic politicians in Indonesia "prepared to play the extremist card to attract extra votes". Hamzah "has supported Jemaah Islamiyah and has even been instrumental in having its members released from detention in the past", according to Tim Lindsey, director of the Asian Law Centre at the University of Melbourne. "He has also openly accused the CIA and the United States of carrying out the Bali bombing."
In 2002 Hamzah gave an interview to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, which broadcast it on 23 October. In a voiceover played during the television interview, an ABC journalist said, "Before the Bali bombing, Vice President Hamzah Haz insisted there were no terrorists in Indonesia. After the bombing, he gave this extraordinary justification for that position:"
The ABC interviewer then told Hamzah: "In light of Bali, that would seem a reprehensible comment, if you knew that people were here."
Hamzah responded: "It’s not true that I protect them and I don’t regret what I said, but I said it in the past â€" it relates to the past. But now if there is a connection we want to know whether it is true that Indonesia has a terrorist network."
On 3 September 2003 Haz stated, "Actually, who is the terrorist, who is against human rights? The answer is the United States because they attacked Iraq. Moreover, it is the terrorist king, waging war."
According to the Sydney Morning Herald, Hamzah's statement was "a scathing attack that echoed the language of many of the Bali bombers." Hamzah had also been criticised for publicly associating with several of Indonesia's more hardline Islamic leaders, including Bashir, although after the Bali terrorist attack Hamzah severed those ties. Soon after Hamzah's remarks, Riza Sihbudi, a political analyst at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences, told the Detik news service that Hamzah seemed to be chasing votes. "He should not have spoken like that as he is the Vice-President," Sihbudi said.
Officially, according to the Office of Vice President, Hamzah married to two wives: Asmaniah and Titin Kartini (b. 4 May 1946). He has a total of 12 children from the official wives. However, other source indicated that he has in fact three wives. His 3rd wife is Soraya, and she bore three children from Hamzah. However, Hamzah does not officially admit to having a 3rd wife.
He is sometimes known as Dr. Hamzah; he is reported to have obtained a PhD from American World University, an internet diploma mill, for USD 1,200.

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Religion in Indonesia

Religion in Indonesia

Religion in Indonesia
The 1st principle of Indonesia's philosophical foundation, Pancasila, is "belief in the one and only God". A number of different religions are practiced in the country, and their collective influence on the country's political, economic and cultural life is significant. The Indonesian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion. However, the government only recognizes six official religions. Indonesian law requires that every Indonesian citizen hold an identity card that identifies that person with one of these six religions, although citizens may be able to leave that section blank. Indonesia does not recognize agnosticism or atheism, and blasphemy is illegal. In the 2010 Indonesian census, 87.18% of Indonesians identified themselves as Muslim (predominantly Sunnis, also including Shias and Ahmadis), 6.96% Protestant, 2.91% Catholic, 1.69% Hindu, 0.72% Buddhist, 0.05% Khong Hu Chu, 0.13% other, and 0.38% unstated or not asked.
With many different religions practiced in Indonesia, conflicts between followers of different religions arise periodically. Moreover, Indonesia's political leadership has played an important role in the relations between groups, both positively and negatively, including the Transmigration Program, which has caused a number of conflicts in the eastern region of the country.
Historically, immigration from India, China, Portugal, Arabia, and the Netherlands has been a major contributor to the diversity of religion and culture within the country. However, these aspects have changed since some modifications have been made to suit the Indonesian culture.
Prior to the arrival of the Abrahamic faiths of Christianity and Islam, the popular belief systems in the region were thoroughly influenced by Dharmic religious philosophy through Hinduism and Buddhism. These religions were brought to Indonesia around the 2nd and 4th centuries, respectively, when Indian traders arrived on the islands of Sumatra, Java and Sulawesi, bringing their religion. Hinduism of Shaivite traditions started to develop in Java in the 5th century AD. The traders also established Buddhism in Indonesia which developed further in the following century and a number of Hindu and Buddhist influenced kingdoms were established, such as Kutai, Srivijaya, Majapahit, and Sailendra. The world's largest Buddhist monument, Borobudur, was built by the Kingdom of Sailendra and around the same time, the Hindu monument Prambanan was also built. The peak of Hindu-Javanese civilisation was the Majapahit Empire in the fourteenth century, described as a golden age in Indonesian history.
The Portuguese introduced Catholicism to Indonesia, notably to the island of Flores and to what was to become East Timor. Protestantism was 1st introduced by the Dutch in the sixteenth century with Calvinist and Lutheran influences. Animist areas in eastern Indonesia, on the other hand, were the main focus Dutch conversion efforts, including Maluku, North Sulawesi, Nusa Tenggara, Papua and Kalimantan. Later, Christianity spread from the coastal ports of Borneo and missionaries arrived among the Torajans on Sulawesi. Parts of Sumatra were also targeted, most notably the Batak people, who are predominantly Protestant today.
Significant changes in religion aspect also happened during the New Order era. Following an abortive coup in 1965 officially blamed on the Communist Party of Indonesia, around 1/2 million were killed in an anti-communist purge. Following the incident, the New Order government had tried to suppress the supporters of PKI, by applying a policy that everyone must choose a religion, since PKI supporters were mostly atheists. As a result, every Indonesian citizen was required to carry personal identification cards indicating their religion. The policy resulted in a mass religion conversions, topped by conversions to Protestantism and Catholicism. The same situation happened with Indonesians with Chinese ethnicity, who mostly were Confucianists. Because Confucianism wasn't one of the state recognised religions, many Chinese Indonesians were also converted to Christianity.
Indonesia is the world's most populous Muslim-majority country, with 87 percent of its citizens identifying as Muslim. Traditionally, Muslims have been concentrated in the more populous western islands of Indonesia such as Java and Sumatra. In less populous eastern islands, the Muslim population is proportionally lower. Most Indonesian Muslims are Sunnis. Around one million are Shias, who are concentrated around Jakarta.
The history of Islam in Indonesia is complex and reflects the diversity of Indonesian cultures. In the 12th century many predominantly Muslim traders from India arrived on the island of Sumatra, Java and Kalimantan where the religion flourished between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries. The dominant Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms of the time, such as Majapahit and Sriwijaya, were in decline and the numerous Hindus and Buddhists mostly converted to Islam, although a smaller number, as in the notable case of Hindus immigrating to Bali, moved off Java and Sumatra. Islam in Indonesia is in many cases less meticulously practiced in comparison to Islam, for example, in the Middle East region.
Politically, parties based on moderate and tolerant Islamic interpretations have had significant, but not dominant success in the national parliamentary elections in 1999 and 2004. Hardline Islamist parties, however, have had little electoral success and their bases of support remain. One form of Islam, known as neofundamentalist, adapted for new ways of thinking about the relationship between Islam, politics and society. Nonetheless, a number of fundamentalist groups have been established, including the Majelis Mujahiden and their alleged associates Jamaah Islamiyah (JI). The Islamist Justice and Prosperous Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) has a different point of view from the neofundamentalists, notably the anti-Semitic views and anti-Western conspiracy theories of some of its members.
The Government of Indonesia officially recognizes the two main Christian divisions in Indonesia, Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, as two separate religions.
Protestantism arrived in Indonesia during the Dutch East India Company colonisation in the sixteenth century. VOC policy to ban Catholicism significantly increased the percentage of Protestant believers in Indonesia. Missionary efforts for the most part didn't extend to Java or other already predominantly Muslim areas. The religion expanded considerably in the 20th century, marked by the arrival of European missionaries in some parts of the country, such as Western New Guinea and Lesser Sunda Islands. Following the 1965 coup, all non-religious people were recognised as Atheist, and hence didn't receive a balanced treatment compared to the rest of the citizens. As a result, Protestant churches experienced a significant growth of members, partly due to the uncomfortable feeling towards the political aspirations of Islamic parties.
During the Dutch East Indies era, the number of Roman Catholicism practitioners fell significantly, due to VOC policy to ban the religion. Hostility of the Dutch toward Catholicism is due to its history where the Protestant Dutch nation gained its independence after the bloody Eighty Years War against oppressive Catholic Hapsburg Spain's rule. The most significant result was on the island of Flores and East Timor, where VOC concentrated. Moreover, Roman Catholic priests were sent to prisons or punished and replaced by Protestant priests from the Netherlands. One Roman Catholic priest was executed for celebrating Mass in a prison during Jan Pieterszoon Coen's tenure as Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. After the VOC collapsed and with the legalization of Catholicism in the Netherlands starting around 1800, Dutch Catholic clergy predominated until after Indonesia's independence.
Other than Flores, Central Java also have significant numbers of Catholics. Catholicism started to spread in Central Java when Frans van Lith, a priest from The Netherlands came to Muntilan, Central Java in 1896. Initially, his effort didn't produce a satisfying result, until 1904 when four Javanese chiefs from Kalibawang region asked him to give them education in the religion. On 15 December 1904, a group of 178 Javanese were baptised at Semagung, Muntilan, district Magelang, Central Java, near the border of province DI Yogyakarta. In Java, next to Javanese, Catholicism also spread to Chinese Indonesian.
As of 2006, 3% of all Indonesians are Catholics, about half the number of Protestants at 5.7% The practitioners mostly live in West Kalimantan, Papua and East Nusa Tenggara. The province of East Nusa Tenggara where the island of Flores and West Timor located is notable as the only province in Indonesia where Catholics are majority (about 54.56% of total population).
Hindu culture and religion arrived in the Indonesian archipelago in the 1st century, roughly coinciding with the arrival of Buddhism. This resulted in a number of Hinduism-Buddhism empires such as Kutai, Mataram and Majapahit. The Prambanan Temple complex was built during the era of Hindu Mataram. The greatest Hindu empire in the archipelago was Majapahit. The age of Hindu-Buddhist empires lasted until the sixteenth century, when the archipelago's Islamic empires began to expand. This period, known as the Hindu-Indonesia period, lasted for sixteen centuries. The influence of Hinduism and classical India remain defining traits of Indonesian culture; the Indian concept of the god-king still shapes Indonesian concepts of leadership and Sanskrit is used in courtly literature and adaptations of Indian epic poetry.
Hinduism in Indonesia takes on a tone distinct from other parts of the world. For instance, Hinduism in Indonesia, formally referred as Agama Hindu Dharma, never applied the caste system. It also incorporated native Austronesian elements that revered hyangs, deities and spirits of nature and deceased ancestors. The Hindu religious epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, are expressed in uniquely Indonesian wayang puppetry and dance. In many areas on Java, Hinduism and Islam have heavily influenced each other, in part resulting in Abangan and Kejawen traditions.
All practitioners of Agama Hindu Dharma share many common beliefs, mostly the Five Points of Philosophy: the Panca Srada. These include the belief in one Almighty God, belief in the souls and spirits and karma or the belief in the law of reciprocal actions. Rather than belief in cycles of rebirth and reincarnation, Hinduism in Indonesia is concerned more with a myriad of local and ancestral spirits. In addition, the religion focuses more on art and ritual rather than scriptures, laws and beliefs. Balinese Hinduism also holds to the concept of Tri Hita Karana, nurturing and maintaining a harmonious relationship between human and God, human and human, human and nature.
As of 2007, the official number of Hindu practitioners was 10 million, giving Indonesia the 4th largest number of Hindus in the world. This number is disputed by the representative of Hinduism in Indonesia, the Parisada Hindu Dharma. The PHDI gives an estimate of 18 million. Of this number, 93% of the practitioners are located in Bali, the majority of the population of which is Hindu. Besides Bali, Sumatra, Java, Lombok, Kalimantan and Sulawesi also have significant Hindu populations; most are Balinese who migrated to these areas through government sponsored transmigration program or urbanized Balinese attracted to cities in Java, especially the Greater Jakarta area. Central Kalimantan has a 15.8% Hindu population. The Hindu variant of Kalimantan is identified as Hindu Kaharingan, although this native Dayak belief may be more correctly categorized as Animism, rather than Hinduism.
Buddhism is the 2nd oldest religion in Indonesia, arriving around the 6th century. The history of Buddhism in Indonesia is closely related to the history of Hinduism, as a number of empires based on Buddhist culture were established around the same period. Indonesian archipelago has witnessed the rise and fall of powerful Buddhist empires such as Sailendra dynasty, Srivijaya and Mataram Empires. The arrival of Buddhism was started with the trading activity that began in the early of 1st century on the Silk Road between Indonesia and India. According to some Chinese source, a Chinese traveler monk on his journey to India, has witnessed the powerful maritime empire of Srivijaya based on Sumatra. The empire also served as a Buddhist learning center in the region. A number of historical heritages can be found in Indonesia, including the Borobudur Temple in Yogyakarta and statues or prasasti from the earlier history of Buddhist empires.
Following the downfall of President Sukarno in the mid-1960s, Pancasila was reasserted as the official Indonesian policy on religion to only recognise monotheism. As a result, founder of Perbuddhi, Bhikku Ashin Jinarakkhita, proposed that there was a single supreme deity, Sang Hyang Adi Buddha. He was also backed up with the history behind the Indonesian version of Buddhism in ancient Javanese texts, and the shape of the Borobudur Temple.
According to the 2000 national census, roughly 1% of the total citizens of Indonesia are Buddhists, which takes up about 2 million people. Most Buddhists are concentrated in Jakarta, although other provinces such as Riau, North Sumatra and West Kalimantan also have a significant number of practitioners. However, these totals are likely high, due to the fact that practitioners of Confucianism and Taoism, which aren't considered official religions of Indonesia, referred to themselves as Buddhists on the census.
After the independence of Indonesia in 1945, Confucianism in Indonesia was affected by several political turmoils and has been used for some political interests. In 1965, Sukarno issued Presidential Decree No. 1/Pn.Ps/1965, in which there be six religions embraced by the Indonesian people, including Confucianism. Earlier in 1961, the Association of Khung Chiao Hui Indonesia, a Confucianist organization, declared that Confucianism is a religion and Confucius is their prophet.
In 1967, Sukarno was replaced by Suharto, marking the New Order era. Under Suharto rule, the anti-China policy was applied to gain political support from the people, especially after the fall of Indonesian Communist Party, which is claimed to have been backed by China. Suharto issued the controversial Presidential Instruction No. 14/1967, which practically banned Chinese culture, expression of Chinese belief, Chinese celebrations and festivities, as well as forcing many Chinese to change their name. However, Suharto knew how to handle Chinese Indonesian community that formed only 3% of the population, but gained a disproportionately large share of wealth and dominant influence in many key sectors of economy. Yet, in the same year, Suharto addressed "The Confucian religion deserves a decent place in this country," in front of the PKCHI national convention.
In 1969, Statute No. 5/1969 was passed and it re-iterated the official six religions from the 1967 presidential decree. However, it was different in practice. In 1978, the Minister of Home Affairs issued its directive that there are only five religions, excluding Confucianism. On 27 January 1979, a presidential cabinet meeting took place and it firmly decided that Confucianism isn't a religion. Another Minister of Home Affairs was issued in 1990 re-iterating about five official religions in Indonesia.

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National symbols of Indonesia

National symbols of Indonesia

National symbols of Indonesia
National symbols of Indonesia are symbols that represent Republic of Indonesia. It can represent Indonesia as a nation, Indonesian people, culture, arts, and its biodiversity. The official symbols of Indonesia are officially recognize symbols that represent Indonesia and enforced through Indonesian laws. These symbols of the state that represent Indonesian nationhood are Garuda Pancasila, Merah-Putih flag, Indonesia Raya national anthem, and Indonesian language.
National symbols of IndonesiaOther than these official national symbols of Indonesia, there are also other symbols that widely recognize and accepted to represent Indonesia, yet does not necessarily being enforced by Indonesian laws. However some symbols that previously unofficially recognized and had not enforced by law finally gain official recognition through law edict, such as Indonesian national flora and fauna that enforced by law in 1993.
Official national symbols of Indonesia are national symbols of Indonesia that represent Indonesian nationhood. These symbols are recognized as official symbols that represent Republic of Indonesia and usually displayed in Indonesian government institution buildings, Indonesian embassies, Indonesian passport, or held by Indonesian representatives in international events, such as diplomatic or sporting events. These national symbols are enforced through Indonesian laws. The Constitution of Indonesia 1945 Chapter XV specifies the flag, official language, coat of arms, and national anthem of Indonesia. The Indonesian law No. 24 year 2009 mentioned about the Indonesian flag, Indonesian language, national emblem of Indonesia, and national anthem of Indonesia.
It is a quotation from an Old Javanese poem Kakawin Sutasoma, written by Mpu Tantular during the reign of the Majapahit empire sometime in the 14th century. Kakawin contains epic poems written in metres. This poem is notable as it promotes tolerance between Hindus and Buddhists.
The national flag of Indonesia, which is known as Merah-Putih in Indonesian, is based on the banner of the 13th century Majapahit Empire in East Java. The flag itself was introduced and hoisted in public at the Indonesian Independence Day ceremony, on 17 August 1945. The design of the flag has remained the same ever since.
In addition, Indonesia
national tree.
also recognized Teak as the
-
Next to national animal symbols, there are also more specific provincial animals emblems that represent each respective provinces of Indonesia.
Other than national symbols that officially represent Indonesia and enforced through law, there are also other symbols or icons that widely accepted to describes or represents Indonesia. It might derived from Indonesian monuments, the popular architectural landmarks of Indonesia, or it might be some of popular aspects of Indonesian culture.
If Cambodia have Angkor Wat, India have Taj Mahal and China have their Great Wall, Indonesia could easily refer to Borobudur as its own unique landmark and monument designated as national symbol. An important architectural wonder and also World Heritage site recognized by UNESCO. However the monument that represent Indonesian nationhood is actually the Monas in Central Jakarta, although today it is mostly associated with the capital Jakarta instead. Other ancient temple of Prambanan also might be used as national symbol, although often overshadowed by Borobudur.
Other vernacular architectural features that often used to describe Indonesia are pagoda like multi-tiered Meru roof of Balinese temples, and traditional houses such as Minangkabau's Rumah Gadang and Torajan's Tongkonan.
Some of traditional Indonesian culture, artworks, artforms, and traditions are often widely recognized and promoted to represent Indonesia. Some of popular Indonesian artforms are Balinese dance, Wayang, Gamelan and Keris. Although some might be shared with culturally similar neighboring country such as Malaysia, for example keris is also can be found in Malaysian and Brunei culture.
For the culturally and ethnically diverse nation such as Indonesia, the national dishes aren't just staple, popular or ubiquitous dishes such as Nasi Goreng or Gado-gado. It may also be considered as the dishes that transcend cultural and ethnics differences, yet still retain common Indonesian cuisine traits. It has to be able to cross boundaries of diverse Indonesian culture and ethnic groups. As a result, it is impossible to nominate a single national dish of Indonesia. Sate and Soto are good examples of Indonesian national dishes, since there is no singular satay or soto recipes. Both dishes have myriad variations and recipes and are adopted regionally across Indonesia.

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List of Indonesian animal emblems

List of Indonesian animal emblems

List of Indonesian animal emblems
List of Indonesian animal emblems
Indonesian animal emblems are Indonesian endemic fauna that gain the status as national animal symbol that represent Indonesia and describe Indonesian biodiversity. Today there are three animals that gained the status as Indonesian animal emblems: Komodo Dragon, Javan Hawk-eagle and Asian Arowana. Next to national animal symbols, there are also more specific provincial animals emblems that represent each respective provinces of Indonesia.
Komodo is an Indonesian endemic animal found only in Komodo, Padar and Rinca island within Komodo National Park. The surviving largest lizard on earth is easily recognized as Indonesian national animal. Komodo also become the emblem of East Nusa Tenggara province.
Elang Jawa or Javan Hawk-eagle an endangered raptor endemic to the mountainous forest regions of Java. The Javan Hawk-eagle was chosen because its resemblance to the Garuda Pancasila, the most obvious physical traits is the prominent crest crowning its head and the plumage coloured dark-brownish to chestnut-gold. By Presidential decree, the Javan Hawk-eagle was legally registered as considered as the national bird of Indonesia, and thus attributing the endangered species very high protection.
Both Arwana Merah and Arwana Emas (golden Asian Arowana) are designated as Indonesian national animal of charm and also national fish. These fish are endemic in rivers of Sumatra and Indonesian Borneo. Both species of Scleropages aureus (red-tailed golden arowana) is native to Northern Sumatra, while the Scleropages legendrei (super red arowana) is native to Kapuas river and nearby lakes in West Kalimantan.

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Siliwangi Division

Siliwangi Division

Siliwangi Division
Siliwangi Division
KODAM III/Siliwangi is a Military district formation of the Indonesian Army. The Division was formed during the Indonesian National Revolution by what was then known as the People's Security Army. It was stationed in West Java where much of its membership was recruited, and bore the name of a 15th Century kingdom located in this area and of that kingdom's King Siliwangi. it became a Territorial Division (Tentara & Territorium) on 24 July 1950, and a military regional command, or KODAM, in 1959.
Since May 1946 the division was commanded by then-colonel Abdul Haris Nasution and his adjutant was Umar Wirahadikusumah, and slightly later Amirmachmud was the Division Commander's Chief of Staff. Kemal Idris was also among the division's officers. All of these would play a significant role in Indonesia's military and political life during the coming decades.
Under the terms of the cease-fire agreement of January 1948 known as the Renville Agreement, the Siliwangi Division was obliged to evacuate West Java and hand it over to the Dutch, and to move over to Central Java. During this lull in fighting the colonial troops, the Division was involved in the bloody crackdown on the Communists at Madiun, in the course of which thousands were killed.
In December 1948 the Dutch army launched the surprise attack known as Operation Kraai, swiftly capturing the Indonesian provisional capital at Yogyakarta and most Indonesian territory. The Siliwangi Division at that time conducted a fighting retreat back to its original position in West Java, where its men had their social milieu and were familiar with the terrain, and which was therefore the best suited for this unit to conduct guerrilla warfare in. Despite the division's recent anti-Communist record, this action came to be known as the Long March Siliwangi, for the famed Long March of Mao Zedong's Chinese Communist Party. On arrival in West Java the division fought both the Dutch and the rebellious DI/TII.
In 1953 Nasution wrote a book called the Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare, based on his own experience of fighting and organizing guerrilla warfare, which would become one of the most studied books on guerrilla warfare along with Mao's works on the same subject matter.
On January 23, 1950, a rebel group called Angkatan Perang Ratu Adil led by Captain Raymond Westerling attempted to seize Bandung during the APRA Coup d'xtat. Lt. Col. Lembong and 93 other Indonesian soldiers and officers were killed. On January 24, 1950, the rebels tried to attack Jakarta, but the rebellion was quashed in a fierce battle in Pacet, near Jakarta. Sultan Hamid II was arrested, but Capt. Westerling managed to escape to Singapore (then still a British colony).
In late 1951 the Division was described as being 'a loose umbrella for five infantry brigades strung across the western 3rd of Java.' The post of commander of Tentara & Territorium III, the territorial military command encompassing west Java, was in effect synonymous with control of the division.
Battalion 530 of the Siliwangi Division was involved in the 30 September Movement events in 1965. Following the later overthrow of Sukarno and the installation of the Indonesian "New Order" under Suharto, the Siliwangi Division's then commander, HR Dharsono, belonged to a faction dubbed by scholars as "New Order Radicals". Together with Kemal Idris and with Sarwo Edhie Wibowo of KODAM II/Bukit Barisan, this group wanted political parties to be dismantled and replaced with non-ideological groups which emphasized development and modernization.

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Kodam V/Brawijaya

Kodam V/Brawijaya

Kodam V/Brawijaya
Kodam V/Brawijaya, is a military area command of the Indonesian Army, as the 5th Kodam, which oversees the entire East Java Province. It traces its history to the 1st formation of the East Java Division in 1948.
Based on the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Indonesia decision numbered A/532/48, on 25 October 1948, three Divisions of East Java, which are 5th Division / Ronggolawe, 6th Division / Narotama and 7th Division / Suropati, formed into the Indonesian Army East Java Division. The Indonesian Army East Java Division was conducted in the Kuwak field, Kediri, by Colonel Abdul Haris Nasution.
On 17 December 1951, coinciding with the 3rd anniversary of East Java Division, 1st Division / Brawijaya is founded, as replacement of East Java Division. Brawijaya is a dynasty of the Majapahit Kingdom, that has been successfully integrated into the archipelago and made Majapahit into a powerful kingdom. The prefix "Bra-" or "Bhre-" in the name "Brawijaya" means "Great" and is a title of honor given to a young prince named Wijaya, a founder of Majapahit Kingdom.
Based on the Army Chief of Staff numbered 2/KS/Instr/52, dated 5 January 1952, 1st Division / Brawijaya was changed into 5th Territorial Army / Brawijaya, based on the division of the Indonesian military territory into 7 Territorial Army.
Based on Army Chief of Staff decision numbered Kpts/952/10/1959, the 5th Territorial Army / Brawijaya was changed into Kodam VIII / Brawijaya based on the change in division of the Indonesian Military territory, from 7 Territorial Army groups to be 17 Kodam groups.
Based on Army Chief of Staff decision numbered Kep/4/1985, dated 12 January 1985, Kodam VIII / Brawijaya was changed into Kodam V / Brawijaya. This change is due to reorganization of the Indonesian Army, on the principles of "A Small Effective Unit" so that the 17 Kodam groups are rearranged back to 10 Kodam groups.

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Kodam IV/Diponegoro

Kodam IV/Diponegoro

Kodam IV/Diponegoro
Kodam IV/Diponegoro
Komando Daerah Militer IV/Diponegoro or KODAM IV/Diponegoro is a military area command of the Indonesian Army. It covers the provinces of Central Java and Yogyakarta on the island of Java. It is named for the Java War hero Prince Diponegoro. It appears to have been 1st established in 1959, and inherited the heritage of the former Diponegoro Division. Diponegoro Division personnel have been very significant in the history of the Indonesian Army. Among its early officers were Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, who served as battalion and regimental commander in the division from 1945-53. Former commanders of the division include Soeharto. Divisional personnel, including Lieutenant Colonel Untung Syamsuri, were involved in the 30 September Movement events of 1965.
As of 1965, the Diponegoro Division had three infantry brigades, the 4th, 5th, and 6th. The headquarters of the 6th was located in Solo, Central Java.
Today Kodam IV includes the Military Resort Commands Korem 071/Wijayakusuma at Purwokerto, Korem 072/Pamungkas at Yogyakarta, Korem 073/Makutarama at Salatiga, and Korem 074/Warastratama at Solo, Central Java, as well as the 4th Infantry Brigade.

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Kodam Jaya

Kodam Jaya

Kodam Jaya
Kodam Jaya is a military command area of the Military of Indonesia. It oversees Jakarta, the capital city, as well as three regions outside of Jakarta: Bekasi and Depok, which are administratively in West Java province; and Tangerang, which is in Banten province.
Kodam JayaOn 1 September 1945, the People's Security Organization was founded in Jakarta, and was led by Lt. Col. Mufraeni Mukmin. On 29 September 1945, allied forces (with Netherlands Indies Civil Administration personnel attached) under the command of Lt. Gen. Sir Philip Christison landed from the HMS Cumberland (57) in Tanjung Priok Harbor to disarm Japanese troops and to liberate prisoners of war. BKR and Indonesian youth in API, Kris Hisbulah, and other paramilitary organizations confronted the allied forces. In order to increase armed resistance against the allied forces, the government of the Republic of Indonesia founded the People's Security Forces (Tentara Keamanan Rakyat/TKR) on 5 October 1945. One regiment of TKR in Jakarta was organized under the command of Lt.Col. Mufraini Mukmin.
On 24 September 1949, the Dutch government recognized Indonesia's Independence, one of the 1st actions of which was the signing of documents for the transfer of power in Jakarta Raya area from Comando Batavia En Ommelanden of the Dutch to Basis Comando Jakarta Raya of Indonesia, under supervision of Komisi Tiga Negara. This established September 24 as the anniversary day of Kodam Jaya. In December 1949, some units such as "Kala Hitam" Battalion and "Siluman" Battalion were dispatched to reinforce Basis Comando Jakarta Raya, following which Lt.Col. R. Taswin Natadiningrat was appointed as commander of Basis Comando Jakarta Raya.
In January 1950, Basis Comando Jakarta Raya change its name to Komando Militer Pangkalan Jakarta Raya. Then, in accordance with instruction from Army HQ on 10 May 1950, abaut Komando Militer Kota (KMK) was changed to Komando Militer Kota Besar Djakarta Raya ( KMKB-DR). As the Republic of Indonesia continued to developm, the Army Chief of Staff released two letters of command numbered SP 1671/10/1959 and SP 1672/10/1959 (both dated 24 December 1959), the 1st calling for the transfer of responsibility of KMKB-DR and appointment of formatur of Kodam V/Jayakarta, and the 2nd regarding the changing of KMKB-DR to Komando Daerah Militer V/Jayakarta, abbreviated Kodam V/Jaya. After that, in 19 January 1960, at 9:00 am in Lapangan Banteng, the Army Chief of Staff appointed Col.(inf) Umar Wirahadikusumah as the 1st Commander of Kodam V/Jaya.
The Territorial Units in Kodam Jaya are two Resort Military Command units and a self-supporting District Military Command(Kodim)unit.

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Agus Wirahadikusumah

Agus Wirahadikusumah

Agus Wirahadikusumah
Agus Wirahadikusumah, was a high-ranking Indonesian military officer and commander of Kostrad, the Indonesian Army Strategic Reserves Command.
Wirahadikusumah was a graduate of the Indonesian military academy in 1973. He studied at institutions in the United States as well, including Harvard University. In the last years of the 20th century, he became Head of the Planning Directorate in the Armed Forces Headquarters of Indonesia.
Agus WirahadikusumahAfter the resignation of Suharto, Wirahadikusumah emerged as a reformer in the ranks of the armed forces. By 1998, he was, as a Major General, posted at Armed Forces Headquarters where he held the position of staff officer on the Armed Forces' Commander's Staff in charge of political affairs and security. In the same year, he called for the Indonesian military to stop their involvement in political affairs and for the army to become a professional defence force instead.
In January 1999, Major-General Agus Wirahadikusumah, who by now was Chief of the Army Staff and Command School, became the Assistant for General Planning to the Armed Forces Commander.
In 2000, President Abdurrahman Wahid appointed him Commander of the Strategic Reserve Forces Kostrad. He served in this position from 29 March 2000 to 1 August 2000. Wirahadikusumah supported Wahid's decisions, including that of dismissing General Wiranto as security minister. Wiranto referred to him as a "bad apple".
While Wirahadikusumah was popular with ordinary soldiers, he also created enemies for himself, as he took up the fight against corruption within Kostrad. As a consequence of these activities, he was dismissed from his post as Commander of Kostrad in summer 2000. However, according to Umar Wirahadikusumah, his uncle, the post of Chief of the Indonesian Military had been offered to Agus Wirahadikusumah on 23 July 2001.
On 30 August 2001, Wirahadikusumah was brought into Pertamina hospital in South Jakarta at 06:19. A hospital employee stated that he was already dead when he was brought in, that the cause of death was unknown and that no autopsy had been conducted. According to The Jakarta Post, the probable cause of death was heart failure. However, some people alleged that he might have been assassinated, due to his reformist stance and for uncovering 189 billion rupiah corruption scandal in Yayasan Dharma Putra Kostrad, a military owned charity organization.
Apart from military affairs, Wirahadikusumah was also interested in sports and was Deputy Chairman of the Badminton Association of Indonesia. In this function he was instrumental in the 1998 plan to bring about meetings between former Indonesian Badminton champions and their successors to share their experiences and make them better prepared for upcoming tournaments. In 1998, he was Manager of the Indonesian Thomas Cup team which won the Cup that year. Wirahadikusumah was awarded the Satya Kebudayaan Medal for this achievement by the Indonesian President Habibie on 9 September 1998.
Wirahadikusumah is a nephew of Umar Wirahadikusumah, a former Vice President of Indonesia and also a former Kostrad Commander.
Agus Wirahadikusumah married to Tri Rachmaningish. They had two children: a son, Yunan Mahastra Satria and a daughter, Diyah Gustinar Savitri (born 14 July 1975).

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Indonesian invasion of East Timor

Indonesian invasion of East Timor

Indonesian invasion of East Timor
The Indonesian invasion of East Timor began on 7 December 1975 when the Indonesian military invaded East Timor under the pretext of anti-colonialism. The overthrow of a popular and briefly Fretilin-led government sparked a violent quarter-century occupation in which between approximately 100â€"180,000 soldiers and civilians are estimated to have been killed or starved.
During the 1st few years of the war, the Indonesian military faced heavy insurgency resistance in the mountainous interior of the island, but from 1977â€"1978, the military procured new advanced weaponry from the United States, Australia, and other countries, to destroy Fretilin's framework. However, the last two decades of the century saw continuous clashes between Indonesian and East Timorese groups over the status of East Timor, until 1999, when the East Timorese voted for independence in a United Nations Mission in East Timor referendum.
East Timor owes its territorial distinctiveness from the rest of Timor, and the Indonesian archipelago as a whole, to the fact that it was colonized by the Portuguese, not the Dutch. Colonial rule was replaced by the Japanese during World War II, whose occupation spawned a resistance movement that resulted in the deaths of 60,000 Timorese, or 13 percent of the entire population at the time. Following the war, the Dutch East Indies secured its independence as the independent Republic of Indonesia and the Portuguese, meanwhile, re-established control over East Timor. When East Timor was invaded by Indonesia in December 1975, "it had few prior links to the rest of the archipelago. As a former Portuguese colony, it lacked a shared colonial experience with other regions."
According to the pre-1974 Constitution of Portugal, East Timor, known until then as Portuguese Timor, was an "overseas province", just like any of the provinces that composed continental Portugal. "Overseas provinces" also included Angola, Cape Verde, Portuguese Guinea, Mozambique, Sao Tome and Principe in Africa; Macao in China; and had included the territories of Portuguese India until 1961, when the Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, ordered its invasion and annexation.
In April 1974, the left-wing Movimento das Forxas Armadas within the Portuguese military mounted a coup d'xtat against the right-wing authoritarian Estado Novo government in Lisbon (the so-called "Carnation Revolution"), and announced its intention rapidly to withdraw from Portugal's colonial possessions (including Angola, Mozambique and Guinea, where pro-independence guerrilla movements were fighting since the 1960s).
Unlike the African colonies, East Timor didn't experience a war of national liberation. However, indigenous political parties rapidly sprang up in Timor: The Timorese Democratic Union was the 1st political association to be announced after the Carnation Revolution. UDT was originally composed of senior administrative leaders and plantation owners, as well as native tribal leaders. These leaders had conservative origins and showed allegiance to Portugal, but never advocated integration with Indonesia. Meanwhile, Fretilin (the Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor) was composed of administrators, teachers, and other "newly recruited members of the urban elites." Fretilin quickly became more popular than UDT due to a variety of social programs it introduced to the populace. However, UDT and Fretilin entered into a coalition by January 1975 with the unified goal of self-determination. This coalition came to represent almost all of the educated sector and the vast majority of the population. APODETI (Popular Democratic Association of Timor), a 3rd minor party, also sprang up, and its goal was integration with Indonesia. However, the party had little popular appeal.
By April 1975, internal conflicts split the UDT leadership, with Lopes da Cruz leading a faction that wanted to abandon Fretilin. Lopes da Cruz was concerned that the radical wing of Fretilin would turn East Timor into a communist front. However, Fretilin called this accusation an Indonesian conspiracy, as the radical wing didn't have a power base. On 11 August, Fretilin received a letter from UDT leaders terminating the coalition.
The UDT coup was a "neat operation", in which a show of force on the streets was followed by the takeover of vital infrastructure, such as radio stations, international communications systems, airport, police stations, etc. During the resulting civil war, leaders on each side "lost control over the behavior of their supporters", and while leaders of both UDT and Fretilin behaved with restraint, the uncontrollable supporters orchestrated various bloody purges and murders. UDT leaders arrested more than 80 Fretilin members, including future leader Xanana Gusmxo. UDT members killed a dozen Fretilin members in four locations. The victims included a founding member of Fretilin, and a brother of its vice-president, Nicolau Lobato. Fretilin responded by appealing successfully to the Portuguese-trained East Timorese military units. UDT's violent takeover thus provoked the three-week long civil war, pitting its 1,500 troops against the 2,000 regular forces now led by Fretilin commanders. When the Portuguese-trained East Timorese military switched allegiance to Fretilin, it became to be known as Falintil.
By the end of August, UDT remnants were retreating toward the Indonesian border. A UDT group of nine hundred crossed into West Timor on 24 September 1975, followed by more than a thousand others, leaving Fretilin in control of East Timor for the ensuing three months. The death toll in the civil war reportedly included four hundred people in Dili and possibly sixteen hundred in the hills. In the aftermath, "numerous UDT supporters were beaten and jailed" by the Fretilin victors.
Indonesian nationalist and military hardliners, particularly leaders of the intelligence agency Kopkamtib and special operations unit, Opsus, saw the Portuguese coup as an opportunity for East Timor's annexation by Indonesia. The head of Opsus and close Indonesian President Suharto adviser, Major General Ali Murtopo, and his protege Brigadier General Benny Murdani headed military intelligence operations and spearheaded the Indonesia pro-annexation push. Indonesian domestic political factors in the mid-1970s, however, were not conducive to such expansionist intentions; the 1974â€"75 financial scandal surrounding petroleum producer Pertamina meant that Indonesia had to be cautious not to alarm critical foreign donors and bankers. Thus, Suharto was originally not in support of East Timor invasion.
Such considerations, however, became overshadowed by Indonesian and Western fears that victory for the left-wing Fretilin would lead to the creation of a communist state on Indonesia's border that could be used as a base for incursions by unfriendly powers into Indonesia, and a potential threat to Western submarines. It was also feared that an independent East Timor within the archipelago could inspire secessionist sentiments within Indonesian provinces. These concerns were successfully used to garner support from Western countries keen to maintain good relations with Indonesia, particularly the United States, which at the time was completing its withdrawal from Indochina. The military intelligence organisations initially sought a non-military annexation strategy, intending to use APODETI as its integration vehicle. Indonesia's ruling "New Order" planned for the invasion of East Timor. There was no free expression in "New Order" Indonesia and thus no need was seen for consulting the East Timorese either.
In early September, as many as two hundred special forces troops launched incursions, which were noted by US intelligence, and in October, conventional military assaults followed. Five journalists, known as the Balibo Five, working for Australian news networks were executed by Indonesian troops in the border town of Balibo on 16 October.
On 7 December 1975,
Timor.
Indonesian forces invaded East
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Operasi Seroja was the largest military operation ever carried out by Indonesia. Following a naval bombardment of Dili, Indonesian seaborne troops landed in the city while simultaneously paratroopers descended. 641 Indonesian paratroopers jumped into Dili, where they engaged in six-hours combat with FALINTIL gunmen. According to author Joseph Nevins, Indonesian warships shelled their own advancing troops and Indonesian transport aircraft dropped some of their paratroopers on top of the retreating Falantil forces and suffered accordingly. By noon, however, Indonesian forces had taken the city at the cost of 35 Indonesian soldiers killed, while 122 FALINTIL gunmen died in the combat.
On 10 December, a 2nd invasion resulted in the capture of the 2nd biggest town, Baucau, and on Christmas Day, around 10,000 to 15,000 troops landed at Liquisa and Maubara. By April 1976 Indonesia had some 35,000 soldiers in East Timor, with another 10,000 standing by in Indonesian West Timor. A large proportion of these troops were from Indonesia's elite commands. By the end of the year, 10,000 troops occupied Dili and another 20,000 had been deployed throughout East Timor. Massively outnumbered, FALINTIL troops fled to the mountains and continued guerrilla combat operations.
In the cities, Indonesian troops began killing East Timorese. At the start of the occupation, FRETILIN radio sent the following broadcast: "The Indonesian forces are killing indiscriminately. Women and children are being shot in the streets. We are all going to be killed.... This is an appeal for international help. Please do something to stop this invasion." One Timorese refugee told later of "rape [and] cold-blooded assassinations of women and children and Chinese shop owners". Dili's bishop at the time, Martinho da Costa Lopes, said later: "The soldiers who landed started killing everyone they could find. There were many dead bodies in the streets â€" all we could see were the soldiers killing, killing, killing." In one incident, a group of fifty men, women, and children â€" including Australian freelance reporter Roger East â€" were lined up on a cliff outside of Dili and shot, their bodies falling into the sea. Many such massacres took place in Dili, where onlookers were ordered to observe and count aloud as each person was executed. In addition to FRETILIN supporters, Chinese migrants were also singled out for execution; five hundred were killed in the 1st day alone.
Though the Indonesian military advanced into East Timor, most of the populations left the invaded towns and villages in coastal areas to the mountainous interior. FALANTIL forces, comprising 2,500 full-time regular troops from the former Portuguese colonial army, were well equipped by Portugal and "severely restricted the Indonesian army's ability to make headway." Thus, during the early months of the invasion, Indonesian control was mainly confined to major towns and villages such as Dili, Baucau, Aileu and Same.
Throughout 1976, the Indonesian military used a strategy in which troops attempted to move inland from the coastal areas to join up with troops parachuted further inland. However, this strategy was unsuccessful and the troops received stiff resistance from Falintil. For instance, it took 3,000 Indonesian troops four months to capture the town of Suai, a southern city only three kilometers from the coast. The military continued to restrict all foreigners and West Timorese from entering East Timor, and Suharto admitted in August 1976 that Fretilin "still possessed some strength here and there."
By April 1977, the Indonesian military faced a stalemate: Troops had not made ground advances for more than six months, and the invasion had attracted increasing adverse international publicity.
In the early months of 1977, the Indonesian navy ordered missile-firing patrol-boats from the United States, Australia, the Netherlands, South Korea, and Taiwan, as well as submarines from West Germany. In February 1977, Indonesia also received thirteen OV-10 Bronco aircraft from the Rockwell International Corporation with the aid of an official US government foreign military aid sales credit. The Bronco was ideal for the East Timor invasion, as it was specifically designed for counter-insurgency operations in difficult terrain.
By the beginning of February 1977, at least six of the 13 Broncos were operating in East Timor, and helped the Indonesian military pinpoint Fretilin positions. Along with the new weaponry, an additional 10,000 troops were sent in to begin new campaigns that would become known as the 'final solution'.
The 'final solution' campaigns involved two primary tactics: The 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign involved bombing villages and mountain areas from airplanes, causing famine and defoliation of ground cover. When surviving villagers came down to lower-lying regions to surrender, the military would simply shoot them. Other survivors were placed in resettlement camps where they were prevented from traveling or cultivating farmland. In early 1978, the entire civilian population of Arsaibai village, near the Indonesian border, was killed for supporting Fretilin after being bombarded and starved. During this period, allegations of Indonesian use of chemical weapons arose, as villagers reported maggots appearing on crops after bombing attacks. The success of the 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign led to the 'final cleansing campaign', in which children and men from resettlement camps would be forced to hold hands and march in front of Indonesian units searching for Fretilin members. When Fretilin members were found, the members would be forced to surrender or to fire on their own people. The Indonesian 'encirclement and annihilation' campaign of 1977â€"1978 broke the back of the main Fretilin militia and the capable Timorese President and military commander, Nicolau Lobato, was shot and killed by helicopter-borne Indonesian troops on 31 December 1978.
The 1975â€"1978 period, from the beginning of the invasion to the largely successful conclusion of the encirclement and annihilation campaign, proved to be the toughest period of the entire conflict, costing the Indonesians more than 1,000 fatalities out of the total of 2,000 who died during the entire occupation.
The Fretilin militia who survived the Indonesian offensive of the late 1970s chose Xanana Gusmxo as their leader. He was caught by Indonesian intelligence near Dili in 1992, and was succeeded by Mau Honi, who was captured in 1993 and in turn succeeded by Nino Konis Santana. Santana's successor, on his death in an Indonesian ambush in 1998, was by Taur Matan Ruak. By the 1990s, there were approximately fewer than 200 guerilla fighters remaining in the mountains, and the separatist idea had largely shifted to the clandestine front in the cities. The clandestine movement, however, was largely paralyzed by continuous arrests and infiltration by Indonesian agents. The prospect of independence was very dark until the fall of Suharto in 1998 and President Habibie's sudden decision to allow a referendum in East Timor in 1999.

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