Monday 23 June 2014

Djarum

Djarum

Djarum is an Indonesian kretek brand/manufacturer founded in April 21, 1951 by Oei Wie Gwan in Kudus, Central Java.
DjarumIn 1951, Oei Wie Gwan, an ethnic Chinese businessman, bought a nearly defunct cigarette company in Kudus, Central Java known as NV Murup. The brand was called Djarum Gramofon which means 'gramophone needle' he shortened it into Djarum which only means needle. The company's 1st brand was 'Djarum'. The company was nearly extinct when in 1963 a huge fire destroyed the company's factory which was followed by the death of Oei Wie Gwan. Nevertheless, the new owners - Oei Wie Gwan's children, Budi and Bambang Hartono, took the opportunity to rebuild the company.
Djarum
Their products are hand-rolled or machine-rolled kretek, both are popular and produced in large quantities. The classic hand-rolled kretek continues to be made by Djarum using age-old methods of manual rolling by their skilled laborers. While their machine-rolled kretek, introduced in early 1970, manufactured in a fully automated process using high-tech machinery.
Come to the mid-1970s The R&D department invented Djarum Special, which 1st hit the market in 1976, followed in 1981 by Djarum Super.
While the domestic market for their kretek was large, in 1972 they began exporting handrolled kretek to tobacco retailers around the world, from Japan to the Netherlands and the United States. Budi and Bambang Hartono diversified the company's activities outside of cigarette manufacturing.
After the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the company became a part of a consortium which bought Bank Central Asia from BPPN, BCA is the largest private bank in Indonesia and was formerly a part of the Salim Group. Presently the majority stake of the bank (51%) is controlled by Djarum. In 2004 the Djarum Group acquired a 30 year BOT contract from the government to develop and renovate Hotel Indonesia in Jakarta under the Grand Indonesia superblock project.
The Djarum badminton club was founded in 1974 by company CEO Budi Hartono. Its players such as Liem Swie King and Alan Budikusuma have won numerous championships for Indonesia.

Related Sites for Djarum

  • Djarum - Official Site read Djarum
  • Djarum Beasiswa Plus read Djarum
  • d | djarum » Blog Archive » US Government wants to ban Clove ... read Djarum
  • BUYING CLOVE CIGARETTES ONLINE : Cheap DJARUM BLACK CIGARETTES read Djarum

Homo floresiensis

Homo floresiensis

Doubts that the remains constitute a new species were soon voiced by the Indonesian anthropologist Teuku Jacob, who suggested that the skull of LB1 was a microcephalic modern human. Two studies by paleoneurologist Dean Falk and her colleagues rejected this possibility. Falk et al. (2005) has been rejected by Martin et al. (2006) and Jacob et al. (2006), but defended by Morwood (2005) and Argue, Donlon et al. (2006).
Homo floresiensisCritics of the claim for species status continue to believe that these individuals are Homo sapiens possessing pathologies of anatomy and physiology. A 2nd hypothesis in this category is that the individuals were born without a functioning thyroid, resulting in a type of endemic cretinism.
Homo floresiensisSophisticated stone implements of a size considered appropriate to the 3-foot-tall human are also widely present in the cave. The implements are at horizons from 95,000 to 13,000 years ago and are associated with an elephant of the extinct genus Stegodon (which was widespread throughout Asia during the Quaternary), presumably the prey of LB1. They also shared the island with giant rats, Komodo dragons, and even larger species of lizards. Homo sapiens reached the region by around 45,000 years ago.
Homo floresiensis was unveiled on 28 October 2004, and was swiftly nicknamed the "Hobbit", after the fictional race popularized in J. R. R. Tolkien's book The Hobbit, and a proposed scientific name for the species was Homo hobbitus. It was initially placed in its own genus, Sundanthropus floresianus, but reviewers of the article felt that the cranium, despite its size, belonged in the genus Homo.
The 1st set of remains to have been found, LB1, was chosen as the type specimen for the proposed species. LB1 is a fairly complete skeleton, including a nearly complete cranium, determined to be that of a 30-year-old female. LB1 has been nicknamed the Little Lady of Flores or "Flo".
An indicator of intelligence is the size of Brodmann's area 10, the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex, an area of the brain associated with higher cognition. LB1's region 10 is about the same size as that of modern humans, despite the much smaller overall size of the brain.
Additional features used to argue that the finds come from a population of previously unidentified hominids include the absence of a chin, the relatively low twist of the arm bones, and the thickness of the leg bones. The presence of each of these features has been confirmed by independent investigators but their significance has been disputed.
Tocheri et al. examined three carpal bones believed to belong to LB1. The shapes of these bones were claimed to differ significantly from the bones of the modern human wrist and to resemble the wrist of great African apes or Australopithecus.
In early December 2004, Indonesian paleoanthropologist Teuku Jacob removed most of the remains from their repository, Jakarta's National Research Centre of Archaeology, with the permission of only one of the project team's directors and kept them for three months. Some scientists expressed the fear that important scientific evidence would be sequestered by a small group of scientists who neither allowed access by other scientists nor published their own research. Jacob returned the remains on February 23, 2005 with portions severely damaged and missing two leg bones to the worldwide consternation of his peers.
Reports noted the condition of the returned remains; "[including] long, deep cuts marking the lower edge of the Hobbit's jaw on both sides, said to be caused by a knife used to cut away the rubber mould"; "the chin of a 2nd Hobbit jaw was snapped off and glued back together. Whoever was responsible misaligned the pieces and put them at an incorrect angle"; and, "The pelvis was smashed, destroying details that reveal body shape, gait and evolutionary history" and causing the discovery team leader Morwood to remark "It's sickening, Jacob was greedy and acted totally irresponsibly".
Jacob, however, denied any wrongdoing. He stated that the damages occurred during transport from Yogyakarta back to Jakarta despite the physical evidence to the contrary that the jawbone had been broken while making a mould of bones.
In 2005 Indonesian officials forbade access to the cave. Some news media, such as the BBC, expressed the opinion that the reason for the restriction was to protect Jacob, who was considered "Indonesia's king of palaeoanthropology", from being proven to be wrong. Scientists were allowed to return to the cave in 2007 shortly after the death of Jacob.
In response, Weber et al. conducted a survey the same year comparing the computer model of LB1's skull with a sample of microcephalic human skulls, concluding that the skull size of LB1 falls in the middle of the size range of the human samples and isn't inconsistent with microcephaly. Next to dispute the finding of Falk et al. were Martin et al. (2006), who objected to the failure to compare the model of LB1's skull with a typical example of adult microcephaly. Martin and his coauthors concluded that the skull was probably microcephalic, arguing that the brain is far too small to be a separate dwarf species; if it were, the 400-cubic-centimeter brain would indicate a creature only one foot in height, one-third the size of the discovered skeleton. Shortly thereafter, a group of scientists from Indonesia, Australia, and the United States came to the same conclusion by examining bone and skull structure (Jacob (2006)).
In 2013, a comparison of the LB1 endocast to a set of 100 normocephalic and 17 microcephalic endocasts by Vannucci, Baron and Holloway showed that there is a wide variation in microcephalic brain shape ratios and that in these ratios the group as such isn't clearly distinct from normocephalics. The LB1 brain shape nevertheless aligns slightly better with the microcephalic sample, with the shape at the extreme edge of the normocephalic group.
Affected people, who were born without a functioning thyroid, have both small bodies and reduced brain size but their mental retardation and motor disability isn't as severe as with neurological endemic cretins. According to the authors of the study, the critical environment could have been present on Flores approximately 18,000 years ago, the period to which the LB fossils are dated. They wrote that various features found on the fossils, such as enlarged pituitary fossa, unusually straight and untwisted tops of the upper arm bone and relatively thick limbs, are signs of this diagnosis. The double rooted lower premolar and primitive wrist morphology can be explained in this way as well. The oral stories about strange human-like creatures may also be a record of cretinism.
Falk challenged the premise of Oberndorf et al. Studying computer tomography scans of LB1's pituitary fossa, she came to the conclusion that it isn't larger than usual.
In a paper delivered to the Australasian Society for Human Biology in 2009, Colin Groves and Catharine FitzGerald compared the Flores bones with those of ten people who had had cretinism, focusing on anatomical features which are typical of the disease. They found no overlap, and stated that they had put the claim to rest. However, an article by Oxnard, Obendorf and Kefford rejects Groves and FitzGerald's argument and revives the cretinism hypothesis. Oxnard and colleagues also criticise the cladistic analysis of Argue et al., stating that it isn't logically possible for the analysis to conclude that the Liang Bua remains represent a separate species and not a pathology because the cladistics analysis assumes that they don't represent a pathology.
Evidence supports the hypothesis that Homo floresiensis is a late-surviving species of early Homo with shared morphological similarities of the early African pre-erectus/ergaster hominins. This hypothesis provides a more reasonable explanation for H. floresiensis than previously established hypotheses about genetic mutations, diseases, and disordered growth. None of the current explanations account for the range of features observed in H. floresiensis, nor do they provide explanations for why a pathological condition in modern humans would mimic so closely the morphology observed in earlier hominins.
Susan G. Larson et al. analyzed the upper limb of LB1. They found that in LB1 the angle of humeral torsion is much less than in modern humans. This had been previously studied by Richards et al., who declared that it is a sign of modern pygmy populations, and T. Jacob et al., who pointed out that muscle attachments on the bone suggest LB1 had weak muscles which resulted in little development of humeral torsion. Larson et al. rejected Richards’ conclusion, arguing that the humeral torsion of pygmy populations is usually similar to that of peoples of average stature. They argued that Richards et al. cited a 1972 paper which had studied a sample of six female Eastern Central African pygmies and this sample was too small to represent the whole population. Larson et al. also failed to find signs of microcephaly on the studied bones.
In around 2006, two teams attempted to extract DNA from a tooth discovered in 2003, but both teams were unsuccessful. It has been suggested that the happened because the dentine was targeted; new research suggests that the cementum has higher concentrations of DNA. Moreover, the heat generated by the high speed of the drill bit may have denatured the DNA.
In October 2012, a New Zealand scientist due to give a public lecture on Homo floresiensis was told by the Tolkien Estate that he wasn't allowed to use the word "hobbit" in promoting the lecture.
In 2012, the American studio The Asylum, which produces low-budget "mockbuster" films, planned to release a movie entitled Age of the Hobbits depicting a "peace loving" community of H. floresiensis "enslaved by the Java Men, a race of flesh-eating dragon-riders." The film was intended to piggyback on the success of Peter Jackson's film The Hobbit: An Unexpected Journey. The film was blocked from release due to a legal dispute about using the word "hobbit." The Asylum argued that the film didn't violate the Tolkien copyright because the film was about H. floresiensis, "uniformly referred to as 'Hobbits' in the scientific community." The film was later retitled Clash of the Empires.

Related Sites for Homo floresiensis

Sunday 22 June 2014

Boaz Solossa, an Indonesian footballer

Boaz Solossa


Boaz Solossa is an Indonesian footballer. His brothers, Ortizan and Nehemia, are also footballers. Boaz plays at Persipura while Ortizan plays at Persija. They met in a match at the 2005 Liga Indonesia final, where Persipura beat Persija 3â€"2. He is known by his high leveled dribbling technique and his crossing accuracy or short-passing with his left-foot.
Boaz SolossaNevertheless, Boas was unable to perform for Persipura for almost 6 months due to an incident where he and his Persipura teammates assaulted a referee officiating one of Persipura matches in the 2004â€"2005 season. During the time he was out of action, many considered his skills to drop and his prospect wasted. This resulted in the Indonesian national team manager Peter Withe crossing his name off the team list from the national team in 2006. He also has a bad reputation due to his alcoholism, which also contributed to his decline in form over the past year although Boas stated that he is trying his best to quit and gain back his place in the Indonesian national team.
Boaz SolossaIn 2011, Boas got an offer to play at Dutch club VVV-Venlo, but because of the family he chose to keep playing in Persipura Jayapura.
Boas was born in the Solossa family, a well-known family in the province of West Papua. His uncle, Jaap Solossa, was the governor of Papua before he died in 2005. Boas was born in a footballing family as well, being the youngest of five children. Almost all of them were professionals, including his brother Ortizan and Nehemia. Boas obtained a Bachelor of Economics at Cenderawasih University in 2013.
Boas' international debut was against Turkmenistan in 2004 for the 2006 World Cup qualification where Indonesia won 3â€"1 and Boas made two assists for his team mate Ilham Jaya Kesuma. Boas is considered to be a bright prospect in Indonesian football after performing brilliantly in the 2004 Tiger Cup, where Indonesia was defeated by Singapore in a home and away match, which resulted in an aggregate score of 5â€"2 to Singapore. In the group phase, Boas managed to score 4 goals and along with Ilham Jayakesuma, who scored 7 goals, both led the top scorers chart.
He got injured after a tough tackle in a friendly match against Hong Kong, this make him absent from Asian Cup 2007 and disappear from football for many month.

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Robert Budi Hartono

Robert Budi Hartono


Robert Budi Hartono is a Chinese Indonesian tobacco billionaire with 2004 net worth US$2.2 billion. He owns and runs privately held Djarum, the world's 3rd largest maker of clove cigarettes. Djarum has reportedly recently grabbing share from the number two cigarette firm, Sampoerna. Budi Hartono also has a stake with his brother, Michael Bambang Hartono in one of Indonesia's biggest banks, Bank Central Asia, formerly controlled by billionaire Liem Sioe Liong. In 2009, Budi Hartono's net worth reportedly reached US$4.7 billion and he was nominated as the richest Indonesian while Liem Sioe Liong was in 3rd place.
Robert Budi HartonoBudi Hartono was born at Semarang Central Java, and alumnus of Diponegoro University, Semarang.
Starting from Mr. Oei Wie Gwan buy a small business in the field named Djarum clove gramophon in 1951 changed its name to Djarum. Oei began marketing cigarettes under the brand "Djarum" which turned out to be successful in the market. After a fire nearly gutted the company in 1963, Djarum back up and modernize equipment in the factory. In 1972 began to Djarum cigarette export the product abroad. Three years later the market Djarum Djarum Filter, the brand 1st produced using the machine, followed by brand Djarum Super was introduced in 1981.
Together with her brother Michael Hartono, Robert at the age of 22 years have inherited one of the leading cigarette today, Djarum. The company Djarum previously a small business called Djarum gramophon which was later purchased by his father Robert in 1951 and changed its name to Djarum. Robert and his sister inherited it after his father died. At that time the company Djarum factory just burned and suffered an unstable condition. But then in the hands of the two brothers Hartono could grow into giants.
In a November 2012 listing, Budi Hartono and his brother Michael Hartono were reported by by Forbes magazine as the richest men in Indonesia in 2012 with a combined wealth of $US 15 billion. Budi Hartono was listed by Forbes as being worth $US 6.5 billion.

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Republic of South Maluku

Republic of South Maluku

The Republic of South Maluku Dutch: Republiek der Zuid-Molukken), also known as the Republic of the South Moluccas, was a self-proclaimed republic in the Maluku Islands founded on 25 April 1950. The main islands were Seram, Ambon, and Buru. The RMS on Ambon was defeated by Indonesian forces in November 1950, however, armed struggle continued on the island of Seram until December 1963. The defeat on Ambon resulted in the flight of the self-declared RMS government to the island Seram, and later on the formation of a government in exile in the Netherlands in 1966. When resistance leader Dr. Chris Soumokil was captured by Indonesian forces on Seram and executed in 1966, a president in exile was inaugurated. The government-in-exile continues to exist, with John Wattilete, a 55-year old lawyer, inaugurated as head of state in April 2010.
Republic of South MalukuRepublic of South MalukuThe Indonesian archipelago consists of over 15,000 islands. Dutch conquest exerted colonial control across the archipelago in the 19th century establishing a unitary administration. The borders of present day Indonesia were formed through colonial expansion finalised in the 20th century. After the occupation by the Japanese Empire during WWII ended in 1945, nationalist leaders on Java unilaterally declared Indonesian independence. Not all regions and peoples of present day Indonesia immediately subscribed to the proclaimed Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Early organised indigenous resistance to the newly declared Indonesian Republic came from the South Moluccas with support and aid from the Dutch Government and Military. The South Moluccan contra-revolutionaries initially clung on to an early post-colonial treaty prescribing a federal form of statehood. When that treaty, agreed between the Dutch government and the Indonesian government in December 1949, was broken they in turn unilaterally declared a fully independent Republic of the South Moluccas hoping to achieve an autonomous state. In their decision the South Moluccan leaders based themselves on the treaty which stipulated autonomy for each of the states of the federation.
The Maluku Islands were the only place in the world that grew the prized spices of clove and nutmeg, making it a prime destination for European traders during the Age of Exploration. At one point, cloves were worth their weight in gold and Portuguese, Spanish, British and Dutch traders all fought to control the incredibly profitable spice trade monopoly. Eventually, the traders of the Dutch East Indies Company emerged as the dominant merchant power in Maluku. Through an effective combination of force and diplomacy, the VOC achieved a structure of indirect rule in northern Maluku and direct rule in southern Maluku.
Throughout much of the VOC era, the south Malukans resisted Dutch dominance. The Banda Islands were only subdued after the indigenous power structure and organisation of trade and politics was destroyed with the extermination and forced evacuation of the Bandanese population (1621). To repress the autonomous traders of East Seram, the VOC organised structural ‘Hongi’ raiding expeditions. To carry out these punative expeditions, the Dutch allied with warrior bands from other south Maluku islands. During ‘Hongi’ raids, houses and vessels were burnt, cash crops were uprooted and most wealth was looted by the ‘Hongi’ warriors. Survivors who escaped had to start from scratch again and, during two centuries of resistance, the East Seramese increasingly suffered impoverishment. However, their independent trading network was never terminated.
In the late 18th century, the people of Seram joined an alliance of North Moluccan, Papua and British forces in a 20- year long combined revolt. Resistance leader prince Nuku (the exiled Sultan of Tidore) established himself on Seram and aimed at uniting the North and South Moluccas under his leadership. His raiders targeted South Moluccan islands under the Dutch sphere of influence. When the British left the arena in 1802 his plans were foiled and the Dutch restored their dominance.
During the Dutch colonisation of the Indonesian archipelago in the 19th century, following the collapse of the VOC, rebellions arose. In a famous revolt on the south Maluku island Saparua, the Dutch fort was taken by the rebel leader Pattimura, a former sergeant in the British colonial army. After reinforcements were sent from the colonial capital, the insurgents were captured and Pattimura was executed in 1817.
Maluku was part of the Dutch East Indies, a colony of the Netherlands, since its inception in the 18th century. Indonesian republicans included south Maluku as part of the independent Indonesia they declared in 1945. Indonesia's struggle to secure its independence lasted from 1945 until 1949. After international pressure, the Dutch acknowledged a federal Indonesian republic on 27 December 1949. In the 1st instance, the Netherlands only acknowledged the independence of Indonesia as a federation of autonomous states, of which one was South Maluku.
On 25 April 1950, demobilized ex-Royal Dutch East Indies Army soldiers and other South Moluccan men who remained loyal to the Dutch crown, staged a revolt and proclaimed an independent "Republic of South Maluku" (Indonesian: Republik Maluku Selatan). On 17 August 1950, Indonesian President, Sukarno, proclaimed the restoration of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. Indonesia's liberal democratic system of government, whereby the cabinet would be accountable to the House of Representatives was retained. This was a source of political instability in the young republic with frequent changes in government until the rise of the New Order.
A relatively large number of the professional soldiers serving in the Royal Dutch East Indies Army were recruited among the population of Ambon and the surrounding South Moluccan islands. The South Moluccan islands were among the 1st to come under European influence in the 16th century. The Protestant mission had been more successful there than elsewhere in the East Indies; half the Ambonese population adhered to the Calvinist branch of Protestantism.
As early as 1605 armed Dutch merchantmen of the VOC captured the already existing Portuguese fort at the location of Ambon city on the island of Ambon in the South Moluccas. It was an area already strongly influenced by the Portuguese and the Dutch developed it into the 1st secure base of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
During the era of the VOC, the Moluccans were not only forced to trade with the VOC only, but also to focus solely on the production of cloves. After the downfall of the VOC and the collapse of the trade in cloves, they were fully dependent on the colonial structure and found occupation in the colonial army. The Ambonese were regarded as fierce fighters, reliable soldiers and absolutely loyal to the Dutch Crown. It was precisely this reputation that made them unpopular with other Indonesian nationalities. The Malay nickname for them was Belanda Hitam, which translates to "Black Dutch" in English. All of this put them in a difficult position during both the Japanese occupation and the Indonesian national revolution. During the Japanese occupation in the Second World War, most of the Moluccan soldiers were only briefly interned as prisoners of war. Initially, the Japanese occupation force decided to release them from military duty and send them home. However, the Japanese quickly discovered their miscalculation when the Moluccans became among the most active in the resistance movement against them. Throughout the occupied Dutch East Indies, Moluccan soldiers created underground resistance cells aiding the Allied forces. Some of these cells were active in gathering intelligence; other sleeper cells hid weapons in strategic locations waiting to take up arms during an Allied invasion. The Japanese secret police (Kempeitai) responded by torturing and beheading any suspect, which in general didn't deter the Moluccans.
After the capitulation of the Imperial Japanese Army to the Allied forces, the Moluccan soldiers acted equally defiantly towards the Indonesian revolutionaries trying to fill the power vacuum left by the Japanese. Smaller scale conflicts in the Bersiap period between regrouped Moluccan fighting units and Permuda groups usually left the well-trained Moluccan military men victorious. In their efforts to subdue the counter revolutionary RMS movement on Ambon, the newly established Tentara Nasional Indonesia encountered the military prowess of the Moluccan special troops. The heavy fighting triggered them to create their own special troops. At that time the Moluccan special troops only found their contemporaries in the Gurkha units of the British Indian Army.
During the Indonesian National Revolution, the Dutch had to disband the reinstated KNIL and the native soldiers had the choice of being demobilised or joining the army of the Republic of Indonesia. Due to a deep distrust of the Republican leadership, being predominantly Javanese Muslim, this was an extremely difficult choice for the Protestant Ambonese and only a minority chose to serve with the Indonesian Army. Disbanding proved a complicated process and, in 1951, two years after the transfer of sovereignty, not all soldiers had been demobilised. The Dutch were under severe international pressure to disband the colonial army and temporarily made these men part of the regular Dutch army, while trying to demobilise them in Java. Herein lay the source of the discontent among the Moluccan soldiers as, according to the KNIL policy, soldiers had the right to choose the place where they were to be discharged at the end of their contract. The political situation in the new Republic of Indonesia was initially unstable and, in particular, controversy over a federal or centralised form of the state resulted in armed conflicts in which Ambonese ex-KNIL men were involved. In 1951 an independent Republic of the South Moluccas was proclaimed at Ambon. The RMS had strong support among the Ambonese KNIL soldiers. As a consequence the Moluccan soldiers located outside the South Moluccas demanded to be discharged at Ambon. But Indonesia refused to let the Dutch transport these soldiers to Ambon as long as the RMS wasn't repressed, fearing prolonged military struggle. When after heavy fighting the RMS was repressed at Ambon, the soldiers refused to be discharged there. They now demanded to be demobilised at Seram, where counter revolutionary pockets of resistance against Indonesia still existed. This was again blocked by Indonesia.
The Dutch government finally decided to transport the remaining men and their families to the Netherlands. They were discharged on arrival and 'temporarily' housed in camps until it was possible for them to return to the Moluccan islands. In this way around 12,500 persons were settled in the Netherlands, more or less against their will and certainly also against the original plans of the Dutch government. The reaction of the Dutch government to the settlement of the Moluccan soldiers was exactly the opposite of the reaction to the Indo repatriates. Whereas the latter were defined as fellow-citizens who had to be integrated as quickly and as fully as possible, the Moluccans were considered to be temporary residents who had to be repatriated to Indonesia. They were 'temporarily' housed in camps, mostly in rural areas and near small towns. A special agency was set up to manage all matters concerning these temporary residents, the 'Commissariaat Ambonezenzorg'. This included the former Nazi transit camp Westerbork.
To deal with all kinds of daily matters the CAZ created 'representatives' in the camps who regulated the lives of the inhabitants in accordance with the rules. These representatives were recruited from among the non-commissioned officers, who were in this way able, to a certain extent, to re-establish their status in the new circumstances. The housing situation in the camps resembled in many ways the barracks of the colonial army, where the soldiers were housed, together with their families, under the direct supervision of non-commissioned officers. This specific housing situation contributed greatly to the isolation of the Moluccan population from Dutch society. The camps, and later the neighbourhoods, became enclaves where the schools, though officially Dutch in programme and language, became exclusively Moluccan and where access to the labour market was geographically often restricted. Even when it became more and more obvious that there was no possibility to repatriate the ex-servicemen to Indonesia, the Dutch government didn't formulate a radically different policy.
This situation dragged on until 1970 when the CAZ was finally dissolved and normal ministerial and other agencies became responsible. The Dutch government had at last admitted that the Moluccans were not temporary residents and that their future lay in the Netherlands. Still, in 1968 more than 80 percent of the Moluccans were still without official citizenship, i.e. stateless. The ex-soldiers were deeply frustrated by the demise of the colonial army. The KNIL had offered not only an income, but also a whole way of life in which their status was secure. They had always been loyal to the Dutch Crown and had felt betrayed when their services were no longer rewarded. In response they had pinned their hopes on an independent RMS and had expected that the Dutch would help them to realise it.
These feelings continued and were even strengthened in the years of isolated settlement in the Netherlands. There seemed to be only one worthwhile ideal and that was the creation of the RMS. But whatever the merits of this ideal, the Moluccans in the Netherlands could do nothing to bring its realisation any nearer. Moreover the isolated situation in the camps and neighbourhoods had given rise to a type of expressive leadership that could only manifest itself in opposing and confronting the CAZ and the Dutch in general.
This situation led to growing tension and to splits within the RMS movement. The older generation of leaders of the RMS movement saw their authority challenged. Finally the crisis in the Ambonese communities exploded in a decade of violence against internal rivals and Dutch society. A series of terrorist attacks started in 1970 with a raid on the residence of the Indonesian ambassador in Wassenaar. The Dutch reaction to this attack was restrained. The attackers received mild sentences and were still seen as misguided idealists. Within the Moluccan community the 'boys of action' gained great prestige. This fueled further terrorist actions in 1975 and 1977. As with the attack in Wassenaar, the aims of these actions were not very clear; apart from restoring unity within the RMS movement, it is difficult to see any concrete objectives in the vague rhetoric and impossible political demands made by the attackers. Attacks on a train and on a village school in 1977 led to a final escalation of the violence. The Dutch government saw no other way out than to use military force to end the action. Meanwhile, support for this kind of action within the Moluccan community was ebbing. Instead of reuniting the Moluccans in the Netherlands, this radicalism threatened to lead to more division. When, in 1978, a group of youngsters raided the seat of the provincial government in Assen, they received not the slightest support.
Towards the end of this period of terrorist violence, the Dutch government had already dropped the idea that the Moluccans were temporary residents, but had not been able to create a channel of communication through which to discuss and implement policy measures that opened a way to the future. The social situation left much to be desired, school attainments were low and unemployment high. Earlier attempts to set up a communal platform for the government and Moluccan representatives had not been successful, because of antagonism within the Moluccan communities and impossible political demands made at the outset by the Moluccans. In 1976 a platform was formed where government policy measures could be discussed with representatives of the Moluccan community, the IWM. In 1978 a substantial White Paper (De Problematiek van de Molukkers in Nederland) was sent by the government to parliament. It offered measures to enhance Moluccan participation in Dutch society, in particular in the fields of education and the labour market.
The IWM has proved a valuable communication channel for communal projects. A case in point was the plan to create thousands of jobs for Moluccans in government service. The primary goal was to combat high unemployment, but a secondary goal was to open up a particular section of the labour market where Moluccans were significantly underrepresented. The recognition that employment, education and social welfare in general were important fields where the situation of the Moluccan population, and especially of the new generation, had to be improved, was a positive development. Partly because the 2nd generation was already much more oriented to Dutch society, partly as a result of the policy of affirmative action, participation in the labour market and in the school system developed positively after 1980. Levels of educational attainment rose, unemployment levels were lower and the jobs fulfilled were also somewhat higher in scale. In general the second-generation Moluccans made a great leap forward in this period, compared to the 1st 'soldier generation'. They are more and more at home in the Netherlands.
The situation of the Moluccans in the Netherlands is at present remarkably different from that in 1970. Practically all Moluccans are now Dutch citizens. This makes it more difficult to give the precise number of Moluccans in the Netherlands, though research shows that there are to date about 40,000 persons who can be classified as Moluccan. A majority of this population identifies itself to a certain extent with the Moluccan islands where their families once came from, but this identification seems less and less an impediment to integration in Dutch society. In this sense the Moluccans have at last become 'normal immigrants'.
Notwithstanding Moluccan integration into modern Dutch society has halted terrorist radicalisation, up to the 1990s the Netherlands were reminded yearly of the traumatic side of their colonial past, when celebrations of the RMS independence declaration frequently resulted in flared sentiments or even heavy riots in the streets of the capital.
In the 1950s and 1960s Moluccan musicians made their mark together with artists from the Indo community. In the 1980s, bands like Massada were popular. Massada's hitsong 'Sajang e' is the only song in the Malay language to ever reach number one ranking in the Netherlands. One of the most talented artists to arise from the South Moluccan community in the Netherlands is the internationally acclaimed singer songwriter Daniel Sahuleka. Even in Indonesia, many famous musicians are ethnic Moluccans, like popstar Glenn Fredly, who toured the Netherlands in 2008 and acknowledged Daniel Sahuleka as one of his main inspirations. In the 21st century new generations of South Moluccans in the Netherlands have chosen cultural ways to manifest their heritage and express themselves, by performing traditional Tifa music and Cakalele dances, but also by expressing themselves with contemporary music like Hip-hop. In addition, in Dutch football many South Moluccans in the Netherlands have made a name for themselves, including: Simon Tahamata and Bobby Petta as well as Denny Landzaat and Giovanni van Bronckhorst, whose mothers are Moluccan.
The main stronghold of the rebellious RMS group on Ambon was defeated by Indonesian forces in November 1950, while a smaller scale guerilla struggle continued on Ceram until 1962. The defeat on Ambon however resulted in the flight of the self-declared RMS government from the islands, and the formation of a government in exile in the Netherlands. The following year some 12,000 Moluccan soldiers accompanied by their families went to the Netherlands, where they established a "Republic of the South Moluccas" government-in-exile.

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Darul Islam

Darul Islam

Darul Islam During the Indonesian National Revolution, Kartosuwirjo founded his own band of freedom fighters in West Java, called Hizbullah and Sabilillah. As a protest toward the Renville Agreement signed by Indonesian leaders in 1948, which ceded West Java to the Dutch, Kartosuwirjo proclaimed a Darul Islam in West Java on August 7, 1949. Darul Islam didn't disband itself after the transfer of sovereignty in 1949, resulting in a clash with the government of the Indonesian Republic. Rebels in South Sulawesi led by army deserter Abdul Kahar Muzakkar joined the Darul Islam Movement in 1951. On 20 September 1953, Daud Beureu'eh declared that Aceh was part of the Islamic State of Indonesia (Negara Islam Indonesia) under the leadership of Kartosuwirjo.
Darul Islam The movement flourished in the 1950s due to chronic instability within the central government during the Liberal Democracy Era. In 1957, it was estimated that the Darul Islam controlled one-third of West Java and more than 90% of South Sulawesi and Aceh provinces where the government only controlled the cities and towns. The movement had 15,000 armed guerillas operating under the banner of Tentara Islam Indonesia. In that year, Darul Islam agents unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Sukarno by throwing grenades at him during a school function in Cikini, Central Jakarta.
Implementation of martial law in 1957, followed by declaration of Guided Democracy by Sukarno in 1959, marked the reversal of fortunes for Darul Islam. Smaller Darul Islam bands operating in Central Java under Amir Fatah was crushed by Colonel Ahmad Yani's Banteng Raiders in 1954-1957. Darul Islam forces in South Kalimantan under Ibnu Hadjar was forced to surrender in 1959. Amir Fatah was killed in 1954, while Ibnu Hadjar was eventually executed in 1962.
Three years of negotiations led to a peace agreement that ended the conflict in Aceh, in which Aceh was restored as an autonomous province with special rights for Islamic law. Introduction of effective "fence-of-legs" method of encircling rebel mountain hideouts in 1959 succeeded in breaking the strong rebel grip over West Java's rural areas. On June 1962, Kartosuwirjo was captured on his hideout of Mount Geber near Garut. In captivity, Kartosuwirjo issued order for all his followers to surrender, after which he was quickly tried and executed. The last Darul Islam band in West Java surrendered on August 1962. Successive military operations also crushed the Darul Islam in South Sulawesi. On February 1965, its leader Kahar Muzakkar was killed in a military ambush in the interior of Southeast Sulawesi province, ending the Darul Islam insurgency in Indonesia.
However, despite the group being dismantled, underground networks have persisted. In the 1970s and 1980s, there were occurrences of 'Islamic' terrorism attributed to a group known as Komando Jihad. The leaders arrested from this group were found to be Darul Islam veterans.

Kretek are cigarettes made with a blend of tobacco, cloves and other flavors

Kretek

Kretek
Kretek
Kretek /ˈkrɛtɛk/ are cigarettes made with a blend of tobacco, cloves and other flavors. The word "kretek" itself is an onomatopoetic term for the crackling sound of burning cloves.
Partly due to favorable taxation compared to "white" cigarettes, kreteks are by far the most widely smoked form of cigarettes in Indonesia, where about 90% of smokers usually smoke kreteks. In Indonesia, there are hundreds of kretek manufacturers, including small local makers and major brands. Most of the widely known international brands, including Dji Sam Soe 234, Bentoel, Minak Djinggo, Djarum, Gudang Garam, and Wismilak originate from Indonesia. Nat Sherman of the United States produces cigarettes branded as "A Touch of Clove" but they aren't true kreteks since there is clove flavoring infused into small crystals located inside the filter, rather than actual clove spice mixed with the tobacco.
In those years, the locals used to hand-roll kreteks to sell on order without any specific brand, packing, or limits on ingredients used in production. A resident of Kudus named Nitisemito had the idea of starting serial production and selling kreteks under a proprietary brand name. Unlike other manufacturers, Nitisemito, who 1st created the Bal Tiga brand in 1906, enjoyed great success by implementing unprecedented marketing techniques, such as using embossed packs or offering free-of-charge promotional materials. Commercial manufacture didn't start in earnest until the 1930s.
Furthermore, he also developed a means of production system called the abon system and which offered opportunities for other entrepreneurs without enough capital. In this system, a person called as "abon" assumes the job of delivering finished products to the company which pays the price of piecework done whereas the company is liable to supply the necessary production materials to the "abons". However, most manufacturers have since opted to have their workers working under the roof of their own factories, to maintain quality standards. Nowadays, only a few kretek manufacturers make use of the abon system.
During the period from 1960 until 1970, kreteks became a national symbol against "white cigarettes". In mid 1980’s, the number of machine-produced cigarettes exceeded that of hand-rolled ones. One of the largest income sources of Indonesia, the kretek industry comprises 500 large and small manufacturers employing a total of around 10 million people.
Since 2009, kreteks aren't legal for sale in the United States. However a variation of the kretek is being sold: "cigars" that are similar in size and shape to the original kreteks, also with a filter and the original tobacco/clove blend, but in a tobacco-based paper.
The quality and variety of tobacco play an important role in kretek production. One kretek brand can contain more than 30 types of tobacco. Minced dried clove buds weighing about 1/3 of the tobacco blend are added. Sometimes, the last process which machine-made or hand-rolled kreteks go through is the spraying of sweetener at the butt end of the cigarette.
The venous plasma nicotine and carbon monoxide levels from 10 smokers were tested after smoking kreteks and were found to be similar to non-clove brands of cigarettes, such as Marlboro.
The eugenol in clove smoke causes a numbing of the throat which can diminish the gag reflex in users, leading researchers to recommend caution for individuals with respiratory infections. There have also been a few cases of aspiration pneumonia in individuals with normal respiratory tracts possibly because of the diminished gag reflex.
In the United States, cigarettes were the subject of legal restrictions and political debate, including a proposed 2009 US Senate bill that would have prohibited cigarettes from having a "characterizing flavor" of certain ingredients other than tobacco and menthol.
A study by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control found kreteks account for a relatively small percentage of underage smoking, and their use was declining among high school students. Critics of the bill argued that support of the bill by the large U.S. tobacco maker Philip Morris, which makes only conventional and menthol cigarettes, indicated that the bill was an attempt to protect the company from competition.
Some U.S. states, including Utah, New Mexico, and Maryland, passed laws that prohibit the sale of kreteks. On 14 March 2005, Philip Morris International announced the purchase of Indonesian tobacco company PT HM Sampoerna after acquiring a 40% stake in Sampoerna from a number of Sampoerna’s principal shareholders.
In 2009, the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act was introduced in the US Congress and signed into law by President Barack Obama, giving the FDA significantly more regulatory power over tobacco; one of the provisions in the law includes a ban on the use of flavors in tobacco, other than menthol. The ban includes kreteks. As of September 22, 2009, the clove cigarette was no longer legal to sell or distribute in the US, and cigarettes purchased overseas are subject to seizure by U.S. Customs. There is an exception to this rule when receiving cigarettes as gifts through the USPS and is only allowed if certain guidelines are followed. This rule does not allow for purchase of tobacco products overseas but allows the receipt of gifts from domestic individuals and international individuals. However, Kretek International Inc., importer of the Djarum brand continued to offer the clove / tobacco products as little cigars, which have lower taxes and looser restrictions than cigarettes.
On April 12, 2010 Indonesia filed a formal complaint with the World Trade Organization stating the ban on kreteks in America amounts to discrimination because menthol cigarettes are exempt from the new regulation. Trade Ministry Director General of International Trade Gusmardi Bustami has stated that the Indonesian government has asked the WTO panel to review US violations on trade regulations, including the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994, Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) and Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement. The TBT Agreement is of special importance as it defines clove cigarettes and menthol cigarettes as "like products". Claims of discrimination are enhanced when noting that 99% of kreteks were imported from countries other than the United States (chiefly Indonesia), while menthol cigarettes are produced almost entirely by American tobacco manufacturers. Indonesia's case is further strengthened by comparing the number of young kretek smokers in America with the number of young menthol cigarette smokers. According to US health reports, 43% of young smokers smoke menthol cigarettes, which accounts for nearly 25% of the total cigarette consumption in the United States. Young smokers habituated to Kreteks, however, account for less than 1% of cigarette consumption in the US, and <1 data-blogger-escaped-2012="" data-blogger-escaped-4="" data-blogger-escaped-affect="" data-blogger-escaped-april="" data-blogger-escaped-cigarettes="" data-blogger-escaped-claim="" data-blogger-escaped-favor="" data-blogger-escaped-how="" data-blogger-escaped-in="" data-blogger-escaped-indonesia="" data-blogger-escaped-is="" data-blogger-escaped-it="" data-blogger-escaped-law.="" data-blogger-escaped-of="" data-blogger-escaped-on="" data-blogger-escaped-p="" data-blogger-escaped-ruled="" data-blogger-escaped-s="" data-blogger-escaped-sold="" data-blogger-escaped-the="" data-blogger-escaped-this="" data-blogger-escaped-though="" data-blogger-escaped-total="" data-blogger-escaped-u.s.="" data-blogger-escaped-unclear="" data-blogger-escaped-us.="" data-blogger-escaped-will="" data-blogger-escaped-wto="">
Indonesia as the world's largest producer of clove cigarettes, exports up to $500 million of the product a year.

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